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In spoken American English, as opposed to the written standard, the Get-Passive seems to be overtaking the use of the Be-Passive in active verbs, but the Get-Passive is never used in stative verbs. Both constructions seem to be common with experiential verbs.

Is this a North American thing, or is it found in other English-speaking areas?

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كان يا ما كان / يا صمت العشية / قمري هاجر في الصبح بعيدا / في العيون العسلية

tà yi póbo tsùtsùr ciivà dè!

Speaking of syntax, one syntactic change I have noticed in at least North American English dialects is the tying of to in a quasimodal form to the other parts of the quasimodal form and not allowing it to be separated from it, including moving the position of not when such is negated from before the to to after it. The extent of such varies between dialects, as it seems from a discussion on another forum about this, with my dialect basically having taken this to its final conclusion while others have such for more common quasimodal forms but not less common ones.

Another related change is with regard to to-infinitives in general, where not is moved from before the to to after it. My dialect has this, and much of informal NAE seems to have this as well, but this seems to be not quite as developed in general as with quasimodals; for instance, in more formal speech I will at times place not before the to rather than after it.

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كان يا ما كان / يا صمت العشية / قمري هاجر في الصبح بعيدا / في العيون العسلية

tà yi póbo tsùtsùr ciivà dè!

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Chances are it's Ryukyuan ().

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كان يا ما كان / يا صمت العشية / قمري هاجر في الصبح بعيدا / في العيون العسلية

tà yi póbo tsùtsùr ciivà dè!

_________________
Chances are it's Ryukyuan ().

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كان يا ما كان / يا صمت العشية / قمري هاجر في الصبح بعيدا / في العيون العسلية

tà yi póbo tsùtsùr ciivà dè!

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Siöö jandeng raiglin zåbei tandiüłåd;
nää džunnfin kukuch vklaivei sivei tåd.
Chei. Chei. Chei. Chei. Chei. Chei. Chei.

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If you hold a cat by the tail you learn things you cannot learn any other way. - Mark Twain

In reality, our greatest blessings come to us by way of madness, which indeed is a divine gift. - Socrates

ROFL.

I've noticed a number of things about my region's dialect, some of which are shared by my idiolect (the amount goes up as I go further down the register although depending on the people I'm with, my language is weirdly high-register even colloquially):

Glottal-stopping. Common amongst all young people regardless of region these days I think.
The strut-book split.
Certain weak scouse features, particularly the use of [ɛ] in hurt and the whole grass/heart split (that DEFINITELY ISN'T the right name): basically, generally where Southern dialects have [ɑ] in monosyllables, I have [a] except in rhotic vowels, although my dialect is non-rhotic. This is a common British thing.
Non rhotic, trailing r.
Certain colloquial lexis: 'ring' for 'call' (pretty common probably pan-Britishly, to the degree that 'call' actually made my friend go 'what?'), 'paned' for 'cuppa' ('panad'/'paned' are both used across NW), in fact a generic random use of Welsh words in colloquial speech as well as Welsh phrases, generally by younger people
The word 'skiv', meaning 'somebody who skivs off other people', skiv meaning to borrow constantly without paying back (the Denbighshire equivalent being 'scav')
The alveolar tap for /r/
Some monosyllables are realised as disyllables thanks to various historical glides, particularly floor [flɔ:wə] and similar words.

I had lots more, but I can't bring them to mind at the moment.

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كان يا ما كان / يا صمت العشية / قمري هاجر في الصبح بعيدا / في العيون العسلية

tà yi póbo tsùtsùr ciivà dè!

I pronounce trap and bath both with an [a], but heart with an [ɑ], so it's not. I think what it probably is is that I have the trap-bath merger, pronouncing both with an [a], but [a] was allophonically [ɑ] before [r]. The loss of [r] led to the appearance of [ɑ] as a separate phoneme.

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كان يا ما كان / يا صمت العشية / قمري هاجر في الصبح بعيدا / في العيون العسلية

tà yi póbo tsùtsùr ciivà dè!

Iˈm sure I've mentioned this before, but my idiolect is kind of a blend of Canadian and General American.

- My diphthong raising is kind of spotty. "House" and "about" are [haʊs] and [əbaʊt̚] when stressed and revert to [hʌʊs] and [əbʌʊt̚] when unstressed, but "light" is always [ɫəɪt̚] while it seems to me GenAm has something slightly lower like [ɫʌɪt̚].
- "Sorry," "tomorrow," and "borrow" are usually [sɑɹi], [tʰəmɑɹoʊ], and [bɑɹoʊ], but they'll slip back to [sɔɹi], [tʰəmɔɹoʊ], and [bɔɹoʊ] if I'm not paying attention.
- Most of my older relatives (as in older than my parents) have [bin], [əgeɪn], and [əgeɪnst] for "been," "again," and "against," but I've always had [bɪn], [əgɛn], and [əgɛnst].
- I still think of <z> as zed, but I always pronounce it zee because Americans either don't know what zed means or they make fun of you for saying it. (An odd exception, ZBB is [zibibi] even in my head.)
- My mother is my [mʌm]. [mɑːm] strikes me as a particularly obnoxious Americanism that I still cannot get used to.

Of course when I'm talking to other Canadians, the accent I worked so hard to suppress in my early teens comes back out full-force.

Also, I can't tell whether this stuff is my idiolect or my dia-/sociolect or just the fact that I talk kind of fast, but I have:
- [ɪni], [mɪni], and [kʰɛtʃ] instead of [æni]/[ɛni], [mæni]/[mɛni], and [kʰætʃ].
- [aɪv], [juv], [wiv], [ðeɪv] for "I have," "you have," "we have," "they have," even where I'd never write them as contractions (eg. "you have a visitor").
- [hiəz], [ʃiəz] [ɨhæz] as contractions for "he has," "she has," and "it has," which are distinct from [hiz ʃiz ɪts] "he's, she's, it's."

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kuiva ja pölyinen

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كان يا ما كان / يا صمت العشية / قمري هاجر في الصبح بعيدا / في العيون العسلية

tà yi póbo tsùtsùr ciivà dè!

_________________
كان يا ما كان / يا صمت العشية / قمري هاجر في الصبح بعيدا / في العيون العسلية

tà yi póbo tsùtsùr ciivà dè!

_________________
Siöö jandeng raiglin zåbei tandiüłåd;
nää džunnfin kukuch vklaivei sivei tåd.
Chei. Chei. Chei. Chei. Chei. Chei. Chei.