CCC cultures - By Fri 2/28 - done, go vote!

[zompist]

All right, time to make cultures! I've put 9 days for this to encourage a fairly full description. If this is too long or too short, let me know.

I'm going to suggest that the CCC planet— which we might call the CCCP for now— is a little bigger and hotter than Earth.... bigger so that the squares on the map are precisely 1000 km at the equator (thus, the circumference is 48000 km), and hotter in accordance with Sal's suggestion, as hospitable for golems.

The existence of golems implies that there must have been a previous era of civilization— at least, one that developed a level of magic sufficient to create golems. This must have collapsed at some point and for some reason; let's say that it was several thousand years ago, long enough that no one's culture directly carries on the earlier civilizations. But legends and ruins may have influenced your culture.

Your culture should be primitive— think Sumer, or Shang China, or the Olmecs. It's before the era of large-scale warfare; states should be kingdom-level at most. It would be jumping the gun a bit to have iron-working, coinage, chariots, or large-tonnage oceangoing ships. You can stay uncivilized if you like.

Some questions you might answer:

- How do people support themselves?
- What social classes are there?
- Who are the leaders and how are they chosen?
- How do people reproduce? (Note that even golems do this, though not using sex.)
- For the non-golems, how do they approach sex and/or marriage?
- What are their spiritual beliefs?
- What weapons are used, and against whom?
- What are the most pressing problems?
- What do people fight or disagree about?
- How does your population differ from groups of the same species elsewhere?
- How do they deal with neighbors?
- If they have non-human abilities, how does that work out?
- If you have multiple species, how do they interact?

Let's say it's Year 1, and you have about 2500 years to play with. In terms of terrestrial history, Year 1 could be comparable to 5000 BC, around the time we see irrigation, cattle domestication, and copper smelting in the Middle East, but before urbanization, kingdoms, and writing— though all these might develop in the timespan you have. We end at the era of the first empires (2500 BC).

So, what happened during that period? (Of course, you don't have to be at the empire level or even civilized, especially if you're hard to get to.)

If you're close to other players, I encourage working together to decide how they interact.

The next stage will be developing languages, but you can start on this now if you like... at the least you'll probably want a name for your culture.

What's at stake: The next stage is the first empires— so, the winners here get to beat up on their neighbors.

(Exactly how that works out will be decided in the next stage, but it'll work like I described in the initial posting— the 'defeated' players can become a region of the empire, or a restive minority, or an exiled group, or can start over somewhere else.)

EDIT: The reward has been changed: the winning cultures will get more territory, based on number of votes. You can beat up on your neighbors only if they're close enough.

[CatDoom]

We should presumably assume that the world map is an equal-area projection, so that each square is an equivalent area, yes?

[zompist]

You can pretend it is. Planets being globular is a huge hassle for mapmakers and I wouldn't worry about it too much. Perhaps I should have extended the more polar continents a bit, but it'd look odd and I was lazy.

[Sakir]

-which we might call the CCCP for now-

забавный.

If we aren't adjacent to another culture, should we assume there are sparse pockets of tribal peoples? Or are we assuming a more empty world?

[CatDoom]

I figure we could make up whatever neighboring countries/peoples we want for areas that aren't claimed, since we won't be stepping on any toes.

[zompist]

New people may still be claiming land during the culture phase, so I'd go easy on creating neighbors. At the least, there are probably foragers around.

Lyhoko, you asked about the solar system before, didn't you? I don't think anyone else did, so why don't you work out the moon(s) and major planets?

[Hydroeccentricity]

The Ggazzei Coast
_The Ggazzei Coast stretches north-south about 2000 kilometers. Most of the coast is arid, especially in the north and at low elevations. The mountains and the southern portion of the coast get enough rain to support chaparral and even Mediterranean forest. Several small, short rivers fall from the mountains to the coast. Soils tend to be rich in minerals but with poorly developed horizons. At lower elevations the alluvial valleys show signs of constant agricultural use for the last several centuries. Along most of the coast, temperatures remain moderate nearly all year. On the leeward side of valleys and in the extreme north, however, summers can be quite hot. At Uddmea, only about 100mm of rain falls a year. During the “rainy” season, humidity rarely drops below 80%, and daily highs average 34 degrees. In the dry season, humidity drops to 60%, and nightly lows average 15 degrees.
_The Ggazzei civilization was mostly limited to dry areas with available freshwater, with wetter or less hospitable places lying outside effective control from the center. There were no city states, but rather “palaces.” These were large complexes, the size of a small city, that served as the residence for the king, and his attached workers. Attached workers were essentially slaves, but occupied a much higher position in society than peasant farmers. The office of the king, known as the Mud King, and the state were one. There was very little in the way of bureaucracy, national identity, or public political participation. The king dictated production and his immediate subordinates did their best to make it so. Palaces were located in areas where surplus grain could be produced through irrigation, and invested heavily in intensive staple production, as well as textiles, fruits, and vegetables. Virtually every economic activity beyond subsistence farming happened within a day's walk of one of the palaces.
_The palaces produced cloth, fine stone tools, pottery, copper tools and mirrors, weapons, candles, and other luxuries. But perhaps one of their most important products, especially in the eyes of the ruling classes, was rumax, a fungus that grows on the leaves of certain shrubs and wild grasses. It can be cultivated in vats indoors under the careful eye of a skilled fermenter. Consumption of rumax was closely linked to status, and the common born were not allowed to even touch the finished product. In addition to being used casually by the elite, it was also taken in massive quantities during religious services to induce trance and hallucinations. The active ingredient in rumax constricts the blood vessels and speeds up the heart, similar to caffeine, but it also desensitizes pain receptors, and appears to “slow down” the user's cognition, similar to narcotics made from poppies. Orcs using rumax usually breathe heavily, sweat, move very little and slowly, and often babble.
_Warfare was a popular pastime for elites. Spears were the weapon of choice, though arrows, clubs, axes, and knives were also popular. Status signifiers and body trophies, especially the prominent tusks of adult male orcs, were the main plunder, since land and people were difficult to control from the center directly. Among the most sought after trophies are bronze objects obtained by trade with the night people to the southeast.
_Outside the palaces life was extremely difficult. Fields were hoed by hand using stone tools. Wood is scarce. Dung is scarce and coal is not exploited, and so there were few alternative sources of fuel. Households tended to be large, perhaps ten orcs on average, regularly over twelve or thirteen. Houses were partially sunken and made of bricks. Society was patrilineal and patrilocal, and increasingly as Ggazzei civilization went on, consisted of fewer breeding males with multiple wives. The basic model for the universe is mud in various forms of matter, plus spirits who coexist with the normal world. The one event that everyone looks forward to is the annual harvest festival. It is accompanied by feasts, wrestling, singing, dancing, and religious revelries, though since the collapse these festivals are not always observed regularly.
_The Ggazzei civilization flourished until about five hundred years ago. Since then it has gone into rapid decline. Deforestation in the hills occurred around the time of the partial collapse, but it is not clear if this is the reason for the decline. Many of the palaces are still partially intact and inhabited, but with a fraction of their original population. Production of luxury items besides rumax has completely stopped, and material culture has deteriorated even when it comes to the quality and availability of basic goods. The palaces generally have very little influence outside their immediate surroundings, and what little surplus comes out of the fields is easily stolen by semi-nomadic hill orcs. There has never been any trace of literacy among the Ggazzei, or bronze smelting, money, or wheels for transportation. A few forged iron objects can be found that do not appear to be meteoric in composition, but it is unlikely that iron was ever produced on a significant scale, and it is not clear where the Ggazzei even got furnaces hot enough to produce the items that have been found.
_Today, the Ggazzei mostly speak dialects of the original Ggazzei language, with some distantly related languages being spoken in the hills. The various dialects have diverged somewhat, but mutual intelligibility is still surprisingly high. Only speakers from the outlying parts of the region would have any real difficulty making themselves understood in the ruins of the remaining palaces. The people mostly grow grain, with a few xeric fruits and vegetables when possible. There are a number of domesticated animals: dogs, rats, quails, and ducks. Crayfish, snails, frogs, and bees are also domesticated, and insects, reptiles, and fish are commonly cultivated in the wild. However, there are no domesticated animals large enough to ride or pull a plow or cart. Occasionally local leaders will call themselves the Mud King, but their influence rarely reaches past their own village.

Here is a physical map of the area. Many of these rivers are very small, almost seasonal.


And here is a map showing the area of the Ggazzei civilization, including palace sites. The palace at Uddmea is the most magnificent, and thus Uddmea is sometimes used to refer to the entire civilization.


In case anyone is wondering, this is the phonology that I used in the names.

Code: Select all

/p b t d ts dz t` d` ts` dz` k g q G/  {p b t d c z tt dd cc zz k g q gg}
/m n s s` X v r j/  {m n s ss x v r j}
/i ei E { A 8 ou u y/  {i ei e ea a o ou u y}
(C)V(C) (finals exclude v, j)

[CatDoom]

In case anyone is wondering, this is the phonology that I used in the names.

Code: Select all

/p b t d ts dz t` d` ts` dz` k g q G/  {p b t d c z tt dd cc zz k g q gg}
/m n s s` X v r j/  {m n s ss x v r j}
/i ei E { A 8 ou u y/  {i ei e ea a o ou u y}
(C)V(C) (finals exclude v, j, and voiced plosives)

Man, X-SAMPA always throws me off; I was about to ask why the Ggazzei language had such a strange set of ejectives.

In any event, I like what you've done here; for some reason I can't help but imagine the Ggazzei palaces as those Minoan ruins with all of the little cell-like chambers, although the part about rumax makes me think of the soma/haoma of Indo-Aryan religion.

[ol bofosh]

Gaak culture.

Torcopea.png (19.3 KiB) Viewed 11776 times

(rough area of Gaak culture)
The Gaak culture is a social symbiosis between monkees and amphibimorphs that live in the basin of the Gaak river, located on South East coast of the continent of Torcopea. Their territory also stretches north to the Mekeh river and estuary. It’s technology is stone age, but they have a sophisticated forest-based agriculture. Some time ago, the two species met, they migrated into each other’s territories (monkees from the north, amphibimorphs from the south), but their ecological niches were different, so there was little conflict. But their respective skills became the basis for trade. From the amphibimorphs the monkees got farming skills, pottery and food storage. From the monkees the amphibimorphs got stone tools, nets, ropes and baskets due to the monkee’s weaving skills. In 2500 years they went from two species that were in each other’s proximity to a symbiotic society. By the end of this time the trade-towns (see below) had grown and the first councils arose from the Haf elders, defining the first laws of the people and the extent of their territory.

Agriculture
The monkees specialise in growing their fruits in the tree tops, and the amphibimorphs cultivate fruits, fungi and invertebrate livestock in their forest-garden clearings. The groups of monkees and amphibimorphs live separately, but their way of life is very much interrelated. Both are semi-nomadic, and cultivate in several places around their territories, but they often leave their orchards fallow and move onto others before returning. The amphibimorphs often chop down dead trees, using stone axes traded with the monkees, before leaving their orchards fallow. The trees rot in the time they’re away, and when they return fruits have grown on them, and fungi and invertebrates are thriving within them. The monkees have a similar cyclical approach, but they usually concentrate on more orchards and spend shorter times working on them. Both amphibimorphs and monkees also find sustenance with wild food sources too.

Tools, Towns and Trade
Many of their tools are made of stone, but they could not have these without the trade-towns that are located up and down the Gaak river. They are often in places where the greatest concentration of amphibimorph breeding takes place, being natural places for congregation.
Gaak trade-towns are simple affairs, with a few structures used to house individuals and store traded goods. Sometimes they are abandoned for short periods of time, but others, like Kir and Haaq, have permanent residents. Kir is located to the north where they create and trade stone tools, which can be mined nowhere else in the Gaak territory. Haaq, slightly smaller than Kir, is located at the mouth of the Gaak river. Some amphibimorph families cultivate sea fruits, and so they trade this special food here – it is a delicacy very much favoured by the monkees. Amphibimorph ceramics are also a popular part of Haaq trade, but the weaving skills of the monkees are famed, creating ropes, nets and baskets that, almost literally “tie Gaak culture together”.

Religion
In each town there is a small shrine dedicated to the spirit of the Gaak culture, where the Gaakish make offerings and pray to it for good harvests and blessings for their children, but there is no central priesthood. But here is where amphibimorph and monkee ways depart. Amphibimorphs, though they revere the Gaak river as their origin, do not stand much on ceremony. Their myths are few and their funerary rites simple, usually involving leaving the dead body in a fallow orchard, so it may decompose and fertilise their crops. It is this way their strength can return to their people.
However, when a monkees dies their relatives wrap them up tightly in a special basket. These “coffins” are then tied to one of the many Ancestor Trees, the most ancient ones, to become one of the ancestors. The graosk, young monkees that have taken vows of chastity and renounced violence for a period of time in pursuit of purity, tend these sacred trees. They are distinguished by the white mud they paint on their face and hands.
Initiation into adulthood takes different forms for monkees and amphibimorphs. A young amphibimorph will simply wander off alone to one of the rivers, breed, and when they have returned, they are considered an adult. For a young monkee they are given a choice: become initiated in the usual way and take on an adult role in their family, or choose to live a year or more as a graosk. Most choose the former, but a few choose the Graosk Way, and from those that succeed are chosen the future leaders. For those that fail, exile. The Graosk Way is equally open to men and women; the more conventional way is more or less the same for men and women, but afterwards they take on gender-specific roles.

Society
In the families that farm around the river basin there is little or no social segregation. The biggest, and therefore oldest amphibimorphs tend to lead their families, and represent them in the trade-towns. For the monkees, there are some lightly defined gender roles: women usually cultivate the orchards and men take care of trade, stone chipping and weaving, though both take equal parts for childcare and share the role of warriors. Mating takes place in monogamous relationships, couples remain together, though this arrangement isn’t absolutely binding, and couples may separate. The groups are largely matriarchal, with decisions concerning the movement and activities of their families taken by the matriarch. Men usually leave their family groups and join other groups.
Within the towns, like Kir and Haaq, there are specialists, the Haf, that maintain the towns and their trade. They can be amphibimorphs or monkees. In the Gaak territory as a whole they hold little power, but within the towns they maintain the laws that keep the relationship between amphibimorph and monkee balanced; they also maintain the town shrines, though have no ritual function. And they run schools to train future generations of Haf. There is a class of amphibimorph, the Nef, individuals filled with wanderlust that go off beyond the bounds of the Gaak territory. Some return and some do not. Those that do are often wandering vagrants, ready to share a story or a song with others, telling them of tales of other cultures and races they have discovered on their travels beyond the river basin. They will often come back speaking strange tongues and covered with strange decorations, and their exposure to different cultures makes them ideal to act as messengers and diplomats, and even to trade in places far away for objects and materials that the Gaakish cannot provide themselves. Nef, in return, have often traded their water-divining skills to other races. The Nef also have a tendency to have skills of weather divination; it’s as if the movement of the clouds compels them to move with them.

Perhaps a strange symbiosis, but with so much territorial overlap and with little competition, a mutually beneficial culture arose between them. They both contribute food and materials, each specialising in something different: the mobility of the monkees make them perfect for protection and communication, and the slow, yet constant nature of the amphibimorphs and their devotion to the rivers adds stability to their society. Perhaps it is no coincidence that in their languages amphibimorphs are described as “roots” and monkees, as “branches”.

[ol bofosh]

Well I do vote for "just like earth". Call me traditionalist, but if its good enough for all fantasy, its good enough for this fantasy

Ditto.

Just noting that I'd prefer to keep the material parameters 'vanilla': it's tricky enough to reconcile magic without then pondering a significantly different physical setup.

Or "beige".

Well, here's my other culture.

Dragolm Culture
In the far north of the world, in the northern mountains of the Salmonica continent lived a population of dragons. They lived as very intelligent predators, hunting large creatures in the seas, and living on the shores and in the mountains - mountains which they identified as the Old Dragon, ancestor of all dragons, that would one day awaken and return their species to the Golden Age, where they would rule the world.

They spent centuries pursuing their savage existence. Occasionally the mountains would rumble (a sure sign the Old Dragon still lived), and after these times they'd congregrate in the mountains, looking for signs of the Old Dragon's return.

Around the year 550 they had found a complex cave system. Some searched deep and found great chambers, along the walls of which were rows of humanoid statues, some of which were whole, but most were reduced to rubble. They removed these statues (golems) from the mountain cave, seeing them as gifts from the Old Dragon. They had them as "charmed" ornaments. When the golems started moving they didn't care; it just added to their "charm" (or cuteness, if you can call a golem cute). The dragons taught their new toys to do tricks for them, finding no use for them except entertainment. But these golems weren't completely idle; they were making things: other golems.

The dragons weren't concerned when these golems started to create others: humanoid, slightly larger and "decorated" with dragon like features, such as scales, teeth, reptilian faces, and even tails in some cases. Where the old golems were silent, the new dragon-golems could speak; where the old ones were idiots, capable of simple and driven only by an automatic program, the dragon-golems showed a more intelligent streak. In time, the old golems disappeared ("slaughtered" by their new creations) and were completely replaced by the new generation of golems. The dragon-golems began increasing in number and establishing their population amongst the dragons.

By this time some dragons became bored of their golem toys and lowered their vigilance over them. They still believed that the golems were a gift from the Old Dragon, so trusted them. Patiently, they waited for the next sign of the Old Dragon's return, which never came. They carried on hunting their whales and giant squid, without interference from the golems. Deep in the mountains, in the very chamber where the first golems were found, the golems were, quite literally, hatching a plan. They had gathered a clutch of a dozen dragon eggs, hiding them in the mountain. When they hatched, the draklings were subjected to to all sorts of experiments: the golems were striving for a way to control these strong-willed beasts, but with little luck, destroying them in the process.

One drakling remained relatively unharmed, and at last they created the Golden Harness, an object forged from the gold hidden in the old golems, that they placed on the drakling, an object etched with archaic runes and infused with the golem's magical engineering. They cared for the drakling, taught it, watched it grow until it was large enough to go out into the world. During this time they had made a few dragon-shaped golems - stonedragons - and were also preparing more Golden Harnesses from the rubble of golems in the chamber. This drakling, now grown, went out to live with the other dragons.

The dragons were curious about the new dragon that was accompanied by dragon-golems and stone dragons, shod in a bright, golden crown. He spoke to the dragons about the coming Golden Age and the awakening of the Old Dragon. Many gathered around this prophet, inspired by his words. The closest to him were selected and sent to the mountains. When they came back, they too wore Golden Harnesses, "blessed" by the Old Dragon, and carrying the same spark of certainty about the Golden Age in their eyes (or perhaps a lack of spark).

In time, a dragon society formed around the "Golden Crowns", willing to be part of the Golden Age. A few discontents tried to question and undermine what they saw as a sinister development, but were slaughtered by the stonedragons, or driven off to the lands in the East, West and even the North. By the time the general dragon population got wind of this it was too late; they were commited and could not turn back. Many had sent their draklings to the golem schools to be trained in the new message, all equipped with Golden Harnesses.

The Prophet died, the Golden Age had not come, but the dragon-golems had now formed an army of slaves around them, and set them to create their golem cities, and eldritch towers and pyramids. The dragon-golems, unconcerned about time, did this slowly, and were in no rush to implement their plans. By the year 2500 they were ready to expand, casting their eyes to the lands around them. The dragons, continued their life pretty much as before, living on the land and hunting in the oceans, but with golem masters in tow.

To the dragons, and any other sapient creature, this state of affairs is sinister. To the golems they are simply following their magical "programming", something impersonal that simply drives them to control, manipulate and shape the world around them into something that favours and serves them - this includes sapient creatures, too. Also around this time new models of golem started to appear: golems equipped with curiosity and inventivness. But they also carried a "defect"; they could recognise sapience and were even driven to understand it. A crack appeared in the stone soul of golem society.

[KathTheDragon]

/me applauds your amazing narrative.

[clawgrip]

En Soki



(click for larger image)

EDIT: It should be noted that this is the rainy season map; the rivers can be expected to shrink in size somewhat in the dry season.

Climate
The En Soki live in a region known to them as En Ulumbọ̃, which is located in a tropical savanna climate that experiences a somewhat long wet season (Ingise) followed by a somewhat shorter dry season (Onọfo). As a result, the rivers undergo predictable seasonal flooding, producing nutrient rich soils suitable for farming during the dry season. Because of this, the largest rivers, namely the Ngwịt River on Họ̃n Island, the Agbai Wasak River on Ọddonyo Island, the Ujjut river in Ujjut, and the Kaluzã Mengị River in Pọmụ̃ became the main centres of the En civilization.


Geography
The En Ulumbọ̃ straddles two of the large central islands of Torcopea, known to the En Soki as Họ̃n, in the west, and Ọddonyo in the east. The largest and most prominent settlements are found on Họ̃n and Ọddonyo, close to the En Strait. There is also a significant population on the island of Pọmụ̃ located in the middle of the En Strait, and further to the north, on mainland Torcopea, are the Ujjut. While the people of Họ̃n, Ọddonyo and Pọmụ̃ form a semi-contiguous culture, contact with the culturally and linguistically similar Ujjut is much less frequent, and they are very much independent of the main area of En Ulumbọ̃. As mentioned previously, most of the most prominent settlements are found along riverbanks.

Origin
The ancestors of the En Soki were paleolithic hunter-gatherers who came down from the north and spread out along the northern coast of the Strait of Ọsul. Groups of these people eventually crossed the strait onto the island of Họ̃n where they eventually settled and developed into an agrarian culture along the fertile banks of the Ngwịt river. Over the centuries their culture developed the unique characteristics of the En Soki as they are described herein. They spread out across the En Strait to Pọmụ̃ and Ọddonyo, and north, back over the Strait of Ọsul. Those who expanded north encountered other hunter-gatherer tribes whom they conquered or subsumed into their own culture. This eventually became the Ujjut culture.

The En Ulumbọ̃, or "Great Land of En" comprises a loosely organized group of culturo-linguistically related peoples who all share a common origin in the neolithic Ngwịt culture. Beyond this shared cultural heritage, however, they operate mostly independently of each other, particularly the Ujjut.

Subsistence
The En Soki rely on the rain and the floodplains of the rivers to produce ubbohụ (rice or some similar con-grain), their main staple food. A great amount of ubbohụ is produced during Ingise, but production is cut drastically during Onọfo. While smaller settlements can subsist on their Onọfo ubbohụ crops, larger settlements must dry and store ubbohụ during Onọfo. Because of this, ubbohụ is considered a precious commodity.

Ubbohụ is supplemented with a variety of vegetables such as nyãĩ (tuber), họum (tuber), azin (savoury fruit), and gbalit (leafy vegetable), and several others.

Hunting is common, the main game animals being zuchọt (some kind of deer) and abbak (boar or pig kind of animal). In addition, ngụnhọ (some kind of bird) are raised in farms to a limited extent. More prosperous families also raise dekwi (cattle or horses or whatever seems to work best here—I can adjust this based on other cultures in the area).

As the En Soki rely on water for transportation and irrigation, the majority of settlements are found near water, and as such, fishing is also a common means of sustenance.

Reeds are also grown in wet or swampy areas and put to a variety of uses, including housing, furniture, tools, and so on.

Social structure
Much of the population is involved in subsistence activities: farming, hunting, and manufacture of tools, textiles, and so on. Many smaller groups of families work communally, so that there many be several subsistence communes within a single larger settlement. Trade, typically of dried ubbohụ or tools and so on, occurs between communes and between settlements, though it is mostly only done as a means to an end; mercantile exchange has only begun to develop in the largest settlements. In contrast to this new system of specialized production, it is typical for those who produce a surplus to donate to those in need or to host festivals and the like, and in return to receive much more social prestige. The settlements are oligarchic in nature, with these higher-producing families having the most power and influence with regard to settlement-wide decisions and events.

Disputes within a commune are typically resolved through compromise between the heads of each family, but when this is not possible, such as when compromise cannot be reached or when two or more communes are in conflict, decisions are made by the governing body of the settlement.

In the largest settlements, such as En, Ngahashe, Ghụfoso, Ngo, Lãzem, Chihe, and Kpị on Họ̃n Island, Pedẽ Ọuja, Faitịke, Ụlụtọmọn, Fokwuto and Ịngwitishe on Ọddonyo Island, Lutushụ on Pọmụ̃, Island, and Ujjut, Akpesin and Feshe in Ujjut, a more complex but similar form of tiered governing exists. Typically, the leadership in these settlements is either monarchic or oligarchic, and the lower level communes have much less coherence and decision-making ability. In fact, in these larger settlements, many families do not belong to communes and are not self-sufficient. Their skills are more specialized, and they rely instead on trade to support all their needs. This can be recognized as the initial development of a mercantile class, though it is still in its infancy. Nevertheless, this specialization has allowed for the development and production of increasingly larger sailing vessels that facilitate communication between the various regions of En Ulumbọ̃.

Solidarity among communes of a single settlement is encouraged through a number of means, including marriage, but also a number of festivals and performances, such as harvest festivals, storytelling gatherings, or skill contests such as boating, lifting, running, and so on. The festivals are many and varied, and aside from a few common festivals, such as the harvest festival, most of these festivals are arranged at a local level.

Sex and marriage
Sex is inextricably linked with childrearing and marriage, and as such, the burden of childrearing, and consequently the right and responsibility of sex, can only be entrusted to those who have proven themselves capable of performing the tasks required of an adult man or woman. There are a number of tasks, such as hunting and boating, in which all adult men are expected to be proficient, as well as tasks such as tool making and food preparation in which women are expected to be proficient. In addition, all adults should have sufficient farming skills.
To this end, there are coming of age ceremonies that test the knowledge and skills of young adults. Marriage itself may be arranged by parents either at birth, at the coming of age ceremony, or in later adulthood, or in some cases even those who are to be married may make the decision themselves. Marriages can develop solidarity between families, and may occur both within and between communes, depending on the specifics of the situation.
There is little in the way of ceremony for marriage. The parents and their son and daughter meet in a communal area within the settlement and exchange some words, typically conversational and unrelated to marriage. When this meeting comes to an end, the two sets of parents leave, and the new couple remains, now married.

The En Soki are human, and reproduce just as humans on Earth do.

Spirituality
The En Soki believe they live in the Fụlụt Malisan, or fourth world. Each world is characterized by different qualities, and the Fụlụt Malisan is characterized by water. They believe that their dependency on water and their way of life is both governed by and suitable for the characterstics of Fụlụt Malisan. Thus they believe their lifestyle follows the path of nyasĩngi, or harmony with nature.
The En Soki recognize, however, that there will come a time when the Fụlụt Malisan must be replaced by the Kwidda Malisan, or fifth world. The Zo Pãlishima, or world-former, will eventually make the change, by undoing the Fụlụt Malisan and remaking it according to different qualities, but the only people who can understand when this will happen are the bughuddọ̃sọlo, those whose spirits have migrated from the Weshe Malisan, or third world, and retain a connection to the Zo Pãlishima that they acquired during Aihẽ, the time of transition between worlds. These bughuddọ̃sọlo are like shamans who can interpret the will of Zo Pãlishima and convey it to the people. Those who learn from the bughuddọ̃sọlo to follow the path of nyasĩngi may gain passage to the Kwidda Malisan and may even become bughuddọ̃sọlo themselves during the next Aihẽ.

Bughuddọ̃sọlo can advise people on a variety of issues, including marriage, dream interpretation, decision making and festivals. They are highly influential in En Soki society.

The En Soki do not construct elaborate churches or houses of worship, as preaching to masses does not occur; for the most part, the advice of the bughuddọ̃sọlos is dispensed on a personal level.

Warfare and conflict
While the En Soki live a mostly peaceful existence, it is not uncommon for small skirmishes and conflicts to break out among settlements. Particularly noteworthy is a conflict between the peoples of the upper and lower Ngwit. The relationship is unstable and frequently sways between amity and enmity depending on those who are in power.

Conflict among the En Soki can occur for a number of reasons. A few causes include trade or sharing disputes, when one settlement or commune refuses to help another, or if one party believes the other is taking advantage of them. Disputes regarding land possession and use may also arise due to shifting river courses between Onọfo and Ingise. Other times, differing beliefs or interpretations of signs regarding Zo Pãlishima among bughuddọ̃sọlo can lead to conflicts. Interpersonal disputes may also flare up into disputes between whole communes or settlements, particularly if prominent families are involved.

The greatest stories and sagas of the En Soki culture involve the ancient conflicts with the Maihãĩ, or munkees, who came from the south many years previously. Now, little contact occurs between the munkees and the En Soki (unless Qiqqit wishes to changes this), though the stories serve as a constant reminder to be vigilant and wary of those who could arrive from elsewhere at any time.

As the En Soki have no knowledge of metallurgy, their weapons are consequently all constructed of wood and stone. Common weapons include spears and bows, as well as sharp stone daggers that may be wielded in the hand or thrown.

Relationships with neighbours
As the En Ulumbọ̃ is mostly islands, the En Soki are relatively isolated from other cultures. Consequently, the populations have no formal relations with other cultures. However, the Ujjut have many stories of other cultures. (this will be expanded if I can find out what other cultures might exist north or east of the square).

The only neighbours on the continent so far are Qiqqit's munkee culture and Ol Bofosh’s Gaak culture. So far I do not know anything about the Qiqqit munkee culture, and the Gaak are simply too far away for there to be any relations at this point. When more is posted about the munkees I can adjust this as necessary.

Defining characteristics of the En Soki
As all En Soki undergo multipurpose life training before reaching adulthood, they are for the most part skilled in a number of areas. They are also comfortable living and working in and around water, and their maritime skills are quickly improving, though their progress is hindered by their lack of knowledge of metal, and they have not left the En Strait. Hopefully the P6 culture or Qiqqits munkees will have metallurgical skills that they can introduce to the En Soki!

Needless to say the En Soki are a pre-literate culture. They do have a developed oral tradition of storytelling for entertainment and education. I look forward to seeing them eventually have writing introduced to them, but who knows where it will originate!

[CatDoom]

Ngoor

Ngoor [ŋɤ̀ː^ʢ] is the name applied by later scholars to a mesolithic culture of cynocephali in the northern reaches of the Great Western Archipelago. Meaning simply “people” in Proto-Ngooric, a reconstructed language usually linked with the spread of the Ngoor, the name was likely never used as an autonym by any particular community or ethnic group. Indeed, the Ngoor left no written record of their existence from which a name might be drawn, and in any event there is little evidence to suggest that they thought of themselves as a single people or as having a shared origin.

Geographical Setting

The geographical center of the Ngoor culture consisted of a group of seven major islands and a multitude of smaller ones, collectively called Ngoor Ÿ [ŋɤ̀ː^ʢ ɨ̋], “home of the people.” The combined land area inhabited by the Ngoor was approximately 35,000 square miles (91,000 km²), with terrain ranging from evergreen forests blanketing the slopes of the archipelago's rugged mountains to semi-arid grassland and scrub in the interior valleys and on sheltered lee shores.

The local climate is relatively mild year-round, with wet, cool winters and relatively dry, warm summers. The northern reaches receive a moderate amount of snowfall in the winter, as do the high volcanic peaks of the major islands, but in most parts of the archipelago the temperature doesn't regularly dip below freezing.

Climate data for the Kónsaan peninsula, near the geographical center of prehistoric Ngoor Ÿ*:


Estimates of the Ngoor population range from 80,000 to as high as 100,000 during the late period, overwhelmingly concentrated along the rocky coastlines and black sand beaches of their island homes.

Cultural Periods

In the absence of primary-source documents (aside from a large corpus of surprisingly detailed rock art), archaeologists divide the history of the Ngoor into three general periods. During the early period (c. 1 - 1500) the material culture diagnostic of the Ngoor gradually spread through the region, eventually coming to dominate the archaeological record of Ngoor Ÿ. This period seems to have been one of accelerating population growth connected with the introduction of sophisticated new fishing tools.

This period of growth and expansion came to an abrupt end during the middle period (c. 1500 - 2000), when the population size seems to have temporarily gone into decline. This period is associated with increased evidence of violence between the communities of Ngoor Ÿ, including mass graves, burnt and abandoned structures, and tool-marked remains suggesting regular and institutionalized cannibalism on many of the smaller islands.

The late period (c. 2000 - 2500) was another time of rapid growth, associated with the introduction of the bow and the appearance of new, more technologically sophisticated wood plank canoes. Violence between Ngoor communities declined during this period, and the culture as a whole began to expand outward, displacing neighboring peoples and establishing new outposts beyond the limits of Ngoor Ÿ.

Technology and Subsistence

The Ngoor were fisherfolk first and foremost, and masters of their craft. Using a combination of nets, spears, and circular shell fishhooks, they thrived by harvesting the rich fisheries that surrounded them. They also dug for clams and dove for oysters and abalone, captured seabirds with weighted nets and, during the late period, hunted marine mammals at sea with heavy, barbed harpoons.

"Fishing Net," a middle period rock painting


The Ngoor do not appear to have invented the bow locally, having little use for it as a hunting tool, but after its introduction in the late period they took to archery with enthusiasm. As cynocephali, their great physical strength and long arms allowed them to wield powerful hide-backed longbows with deadly accuracy over long distances. For them, the bow was the ultimate weapon of war, and the neighboring cultures seem to have had little defense against raids by Ngoor archers.

One of the more remarkable features of Ngoor technology was their apparent lack of any mechanical technique for making fire. The Ngoor ate their food raw and preserved it with herbs and brine in specialized, watertight baskets. They manufactured ornaments of beaten copper from native deposits, but had neither pottery nor any form of forged or fire-hardened tools. Fire, however, seems to have been a crucial element of their spiritual practices, as depicted in rock art from Ngoor Ÿ, and most communities carefully preserved coals gathered from naturally-occurring wildfires for use in important rituals.

During the late period, however, the Ngoor began to use fire more extensively in the manufacture of wood plank canoes. These were substantial watercraft, made from long planks of cut timber lashed together with cord and caulked with a mixture of pitch and naturally-occurring asphalt. Capable of carrying a large number of rowers and warriors, these craft were faster and more seaworthy than anything used by the immediate neighbors of the Ngoor, and seem to have been largely responsible for the resurgence of the culture during the late period.

Social Structure

Ngoor communities seem to have been organized into relatively strict pyramidal hierarchies based on prestige and respect. Grave goods, house sizes, and depictions in rock art suggest that prestige was closely linked with personal wealth, with the majority of the resources in any given community being controlled by a small number of high-prestige elites.

This social structure was maintained through an institutionalized system of gift giving, wherein the primary means by which an individual could increase their prestige was by presenting gifts of food and crafts to their social superiors. The system was partly meritocratic, in that a more skilled fisher or craftsperson could gain prestige by impressing the elites with the fruits of their labor. However, the children of high-status individuals, particularly daughters, tended to inherit some of the prestige of their mothers, so long as they didn’t prove themselves blatantly unworthy.

"Paying Tribute," late period


Ngoor society seems to have been strongly matriarchal, and a woman would almost always have more prestige than a man of similar age and ability. Inheritance was traced strictly through the maternal line, and almost every household in a community was organized around a single matriarch.

One of the best opportunities for a man to advance in social station was by courting a woman of higher prestige. Members of both sexes were generally promiscuous and the Ngoor had no formal institution of marriage, but beginning with their first pregnancy most women would invite a small number of favored lovers to share her household and help raise her children. The selection process seems to have involved conspicuous gift-giving on the part of the males, even to the point of giving away their catches and enduring a fast for the duration of the courtship. Depictions of courtship scenes in art also prominently display suitors serenading the objects of their affection, and singing ability seems to have been an important factor in attracting the attention of a prestigious matriarch.

Spirituality and Religion

Spiritual practices varied a great deal between the different communities of Ngoor Ÿ, but usually involved song, dance, and sacrifices of food and crafts by burning them in a ritual fire. Ceremonies were led by an elite elder female of the community, who also kept alive the knowledge of divination and talisman-crafting for the benefit of the community. Some rituals seem to have been intended to honor a variety of spiritual patrons thought to watch over the community members in times of danger, such as when hunting at sea or engaging in battle. Others were apparently intended to placate hostile spirits, who were believed to be sent by hostile neighboring communities to bring bad weather and accidental injuries.

The production of rock art is believed to have been part of Ngoor spiritual practice, but the social or mystical purpose behind it is unclear. Early rock art sites are scarce and difficult to interpret, but by the late period the Ngoor began producing a huge number of elaborate rock paintings, many of which still survive in dry caves and other naturally sheltered locations. Most depict episodes from daily life in Ngoor communities, and these have provided valuable insights into the nature of Ngoor society and history. Other paintings are more abstract, and are believed to represent religious motifs or supernatural beings.

"Sacred Fire," middle period


As with other aspects of Ngoor spirituality, burial practices varied considerably between communities, though some common patterns can be identified. A form of sea burial is depicted in rock art dating as far back as the early period, which consisted of placing the body of the deceased on a simple raft, which was then towed by canoe until it was far enough from shore that the local currents would carry it out into the open ocean. Ritualized butchering and consumption of the dead seems to have been relatively widespread in the middle period, but evidence of this practice is absent, for the most part, in late period sites.

Two new burial patterns emerged during the late period, which seem to have become widespread among the elite of Ngoor Ÿ by the year 2500. The first of these to appear in the archaeological record is "cliff burial," the practice of interring elites in elevated, hard-to-reach natural caves and ledges. The body would typically be entombed under a small cairn along with extensive grave goods in the form of jewelry and projectile points. The second elite burial practice to emerge in the late period was cremation, which seems to have taken place either on a pyre built near the shoreline or on a specially-prepared plank canoe, depending on the community. Elites appear to have been outfitted richly in preparation for their cremation, a practice which may have been related to the ritual sacrifice of manufactured goods.

War and Peace

Following the disastrous middle period, the communities of Ngoor Ÿ seem to have developed a system of semi-permanent territorial borders and a number of institutions meant to relieve tensions between neighboring communities. The most important of these were periodic ritualized contests, ranging from gambling games to mock battles, which were accompanied by group dances, feasting, song, and mutual gift-giving by the elites of both communities. Traders mostly conducted their business during these gatherings, but rock paintings seem to depict elaborate rituals that allowed an individual to announce their peaceful intentions when entering the territory of another community at other times.

"Gambling Game," late period


Population pressure was probably the driving force behind conflicts between the Ngoor Ÿ, and with the development of plank canoes it seems to have become common for young, low status members of a community to strike out on their own into territories not claimed by any established Ngoor community. In many cases these excursions culminated in raids against neighboring peoples, which allowed the adventurers to return home bearing gifts and stories that would earn them prestige in their home community. In other cases, however, these roving bands would settle down on an uninhabited coastline and establish a new community of their own, expanding the boundaries of the Ngoor culture.

*For the sake of comparison with conditions on Earth, I've divided the CCCP year into 12 roughly equal segments in the above climate data chart.

[ol bofosh]

/me applauds your amazing narrative.

Why, thank you.

[Hydroeccentricity]

Since we have many different cultures and it might be difficult to keep track of them all, I made a 50x50 icon for the Ggazzei culture, which can be placed on the map as a mnemonic device to remind people of what it is.

[CatDoom]

Since we have many different cultures and it might be difficult to keep track of them all, I made a 50x50 icon for the Ggazzei culture, which can be placed on the map as a mnemonic device to remind people of what it is.

That is super cute.

[Torco]

Ooo, snazzy icons, is it?

[clawgrip]

So I guess I'll have to make an icon too then

[Matrix]

Here's mine:

[Sakir]

Are people making these 'zoomed in' maps from scratch, or are the source maps for the various continents at higher resolution that I had thought?

[clawgrip]

Torco's continent has a fairly high resolution version (that's what Ol Bofosh used). I took Torco's map and zoomed it in way further and then did a lot of work refining the rivers and so on because I like making overly detailed maps like this. Lyra's continent also has a large version, and I assume Hydroeccentricity took that map and refined it.

[Lyhoko Leaci]

Yay, consonant mess!

[Matrix]

Mecongai ([mɛˈko.ŋɑʟ])





Climate
It's a lifeless desert, numbnuts.

Geography
The Mecongai ("history tower golems") live in the southwestern mountainous deserts of the continent of Lyranis (which they may in the future call Lailanesa [ʟɑʟˈʟɑ.nɛ.sɑ]). They call their land Mecolen ([mɛˈko.ʟɛ̃]), "history tower land". As shown on the map, there are more settlements in the south of the region, where it is more mountainous. Those settlements marked on the map are cities - there are other, lesser settlements around. The exception to this is Ataccoupha ([ɑˈtɑ.k’oː.pʰɑ]), which is not a city.

Origin
Ataccoupha is a black stone tower as tall as a skyscraper. As far as the Mecongai know, this is where they originate from. Their ancient legends are very vague on the subject, but as the great philosopher Teneo ([tɛ̃ˈø]) said, "Mecothou z me ppeo ta ne nae ha. Mon z sa ne ha." ([mɛˈko.tʰoː z̩ mɛ ˈp’ø tɑ nɛ ˈnɑː χɑ ‖ ˈmõ z̩ ˈsɑ nɛ χɑ]) This roughly means, "Legend is merely history gone awry." Ataccoupha is covered from top to bottom in logographic writing so old that the Mecongai have forgotten how to read it.

History
Years 1 - 1000 make up the Preliterate period. Bronze working, one of the most important aspects of Mecongai culture, was developed in the Preliterate. 1000 - 2200 is the Literate period. Around the beginning of the Literate, of course, the Mecongai develop writing. Their script is a syllabary, with the characters being repurposed Ataccoupha logograms. 2200 - 2500 is the Early Engineering period. During this time, the Mecongai develop the ability to apply their magical engineering knowledge outside of creating new golems. However, such engineering is simple, and much like golem creation, it takes a while. So, no practical machinery comes of it, only high-class toys.

Subsistence
As golems, the Mecongai eat rocks, and do not need to do so as often as biological sapients. Most Mecongai, being aesthetes, will only eat the kind of rock they are made of, so as to maintain uniformity of composition. Of course, some Mecongai choose to have a differentiation of composition, to suit their personal tastes. Most Mecongai are made of sandstones, and thus eat that, and even sand.

Social Structure
The basic unit of Mecongai society is the ppon ([p’õ]), a community of about fifteen to twenty golems. Ppon form when individual golems come together to create art. Art is the foundation of Mecongai society. Not only does it form ppon, art trading also forms social bonds between ppon. Ppon will dig a home in a mountain and decorate it lavishly with carvings. Cities form when many ppon settle close together. The mountains that contain cities end up getting intricately carved all over, making them obvious and splendid to the onlooker.
Most art is made of stone or bronze, but other metals, such as gold and silver are used, as well. However, bronze is the most prestigious metal, because tools to mine and carve are made from it. Mecongai also trade with the humans and nightpeople to the southwest for cloth, wood, and foreign art. Sometimes, Mecongai art is made by individual golems, especially those looking for a new ppon. Mostly, however, it is made by one or more ppon. Multiple ppon can be organized for a large project, but the organizers only have power for the duration of the project, and all of the ppon involved collectively claim ownership of the piece. Aside from mountain-carving, the major multi-ppon projects are monuments of various kinds, depicting anything that can be thought up, whether concrete or abstract.
The most important monuments, however, are the meco ([mɛˈko]), the history towers that the Mecongai have named themselves after. These are imitations of Ataccoupha, usually made of stone, but a few later on get made of bronze. As the English name suggests, Mecongai history is recorded on these monuments.
Throughout the 2500-year span, there is no formal social hierarchy among the Mecongai. However, two broad social classes do appear early on. The upper class is called Aen ([ɑ̃ː]), meaning "Bronze". The lower class is called Seon ([sø̃]), meaning "Stone". Aen ppon have direct access to the materials needed to make bronze, at least in part. Seon ppon do not. Since bronze is so highly valued, Aen ppon have a distinct social advantage. However, membership in these classes is not permanent, as, of course, an Aen ppon can lose access to their materials simply by mining it all out, and a Seon ppon can strike copper or tin. Furthermore, within these classes, social standing is based on the quality of art, both on an individual level and on a ppon level.

Reproduction
New golems are created by a ppon. Usually, this is to replace a member who has died or otherwise left the ppon. Occasionally, however, a ppon might create a new golem simply for the art of it. Therefore, there is actually some small measure of population growth among the Mecongai. The usual Mecongai will be made of a common rock, as to not put any further strain on precious resources, like bronze.

Conflict
Mecongai are generally peaceful and cooperative when it comes to resources. However, the judging and appreciation of art is a very subjective matter, and thus can, at times, be a heated one, too. In most circumstances of this, however, violence is not resorted to.

[clawgrip]

Ďomün

(click for larger image)


Introduction
The Ďomün are a partially nomadic culture who live in the cool and semi-arid Gïqub̓un steppes along the northwestern fringe of the Bañëdzǧut Desert in northern Torcopea. Their culture spans a vast region of around 2000 km, along the coast and near interior of the continent. The northern groups of Ďomün (Kilit Ďomün) have a transhumant lifestyle, alternating between fixed summer and winter pastures, while those of the central areas (Wai Ďomün) are mostly nomadic-pastoral. Some groups in the south (Inzo Ďomün) have adopted an agrarian lifestyle. The primary livestock of all Ďomün are heǧi (cattle), uldïbar (sheep), and aigeś (horse).

Climate and geography
The northern portion of Torcopea is dominated by the Bañëdzǧut Desert, which is fringed with semi-arid steppes along the east coast, known as the Gïqub̓un, where the Ďomün live. Summers in this region can be quite warm, though winters can often drop below freezing. There is also significant variation between day and night temperatures, often between 10°C and 15°C. The area is quite dry and receives relatively little precipitation, though there is elevated humidity in the southern regions as a result of the warm ocean currents. In winter, there is occasional snowfall throughout the Gïqub̓un steppes, especially in the north.



(If anyone thinks these climates are wrong or need adjustment, please do give me some advice! I tried the best I could)

Origin
The Ďomün represent a continuation of the paleolithic hunter-gatherer culture that originally came to Toropea from Lyranis. The eventual domestication of livestock led this nomadic culture to seek out lands where sufficient pastures existed to support their herds. While some groups moved southward, it was those who moved eastward to the Gïqub̓un Steppes that eventually became the Ďomün.

Subsistence
The Ďomün being semi-nomadic, their diet consists mainly of meat and dairy products provided by their livestock. This is particularly true of the Wai, though some Kilit and Inzo maintain crops of sïnuk (millet) and hośo (wheat). Many Wai trade with Kilit and Inzo and thus are able to include these grains in their diet year-round. The Inzo also grow vegetables and have the most varied diet of all the Ďomün. The Kilit in particular consume significant quantities of fatty meat, which helps them function and keep warm during the winter months.

Common Ďomün foods include zon (millet flatbread) and ilbe (millet porridge). A common drink is ďofü, made of pounded millet, uldïbar milk, and heześ (a type of berry that grows in the steppes). Uldïbar milk is used to make ini (cheese), vimo (yoghurt), ladzam (butter) and matakar, an alcoholic beverage.

Ďomün occasionally hunt as well, especially those with smaller herds.

Most Ďomün live in huts and tents made of animal skins and wood. Some Inzo Ďomün have more permanent shelters.

Social structure
The Ďomün society recognizes both age and the size of a family’s herd as the primary signs of prosperity. The more prosperous and respected Inzo are the ones with the larger and more productive fields as well as larger herds. The nomadic Wai and Kilit have little in the way of structured society, but it is typical for them to travel together in bands. Especially among the Wai, it is not uncommon for members to join other bands or for bands to split up as a result of conflict within another member of the band. In such cases, an individual or a group may leave the band, and may form their own or join another.

Sex and marriage
Marriage is an informal arrangement in Ďomün society, with no particular ceremonies to begin or end this type of bond between people, and it need not only be a pair. When children are born, they will stay with the mother if a bond is ended between a man and a woman.

Men and women are typically both skilled in the necessities of herding and home life, and responsibilities are shared, although it is more common for men to hunt.

The Ďomün love singing songs and do so constantly. They are skilled at creating new songs to suit new situations.

Spirituality
The Ďomün practice a kind of shamanism. They believe the world is filled with benevolent and antagonistic spirits that inhabit the landscape, and the shamans are able to communicate with them. Shamans enter trance states to communicate with the spirits, during which time they infuse talismans with mystical power that allows the spirits to be controlled in some way by the owner of the talisman. People may carry with them a number of talismans that they keep in a special talisman bag in order to find success in life. The Ďomün believe in a cycle of reincarnation that alternates between living things (animals and people) and the landscape (including plants). When people and animals die, they become a so-called good or bad spirit bound to the earth, and after a certain period of time, these spirits will once again find life as a person or animal.

To the Ďomün, this cycle is not a cycle of good and evil; they believe that the world of people and animals, or Zoś, is in a complementary and reciprocal relationship with the world of the land and spirits, or Ñala. Ñala both controls life and death for Zoś and is in return controlled by the the talismans of Zoś and the practice of ǧofeś, the practice of living in harmony with nature, essentially aligning Zoś with Ñala.

Weapons and conflicts
The Ďomün’s main weapons are bows and arrows. They use their bows to kill the sukats (wolves) that occasionally attempt to kill younger members of the herds.

Interpersonal disputes can occur. If the conflict cannot be resolved amicably, the parties involved may change bands or move elsewhere.

Problems and Challenges
The most important thing for any Ďomün is maintaining the health of their flock. The Ďomün must constantly seek new pastures for their livestock to graze. The Ďomün are careful to follow the practice of ǧofeś, living in harmony with nature, or, more practically, revitalization of the land. This involves alternating pastures and avoiding young pastures in order to allow re-growth and prevent desertification, which can be a major problem, especially for those Ďomün who live inland, closer to the Bañëdzǧut Desert.

In the summer, it can sometimes be hard to find water, so the Ďomün must have a good eye for the land and be aware of the general locations of rivers and watering holes.

In the winters, particularly in the Kilit regions, temperatures can fall below freezing, and it at those times the Ďomün must protect their animals and themselves from the cold.

Neighbours
The Ďomün are quite social, and as mentioned previously, are always welcoming to other Ďomün. It is relatively easy for Ďomün to join other bands for long or short amounts of time, so long as they do not appear to be trying to take advantage of others.
While the sedentary members of the Inzo are limited to the area they live and do not change place very frequently, they still are warm and welcoming to nomadic Ďomün who visit, and are happy to trade with them. Some Inzo also have informal trade with the cultures of the grasslands to the south of the Bañëdzǧut Desert and the Ďomün lands.

One noteworthy aspect of the Ďomün is their knowledge of ëdznë (gold). Gold was discovered in the Inzo region and manufactured into tokens, jewellery, and even some tools. These have become an important trade item throughout the Gïqub̓un Steppes and beyond.

[Lyra]

Holy damn, Clawgrip! It is truly grand!



@Ceresz, I'm working on a zoomed version of our general area. If you are interested send a PM.


~Lyra