Native American survival scenario

Substantial postings about constructed languages and constructed worlds in general. Good place to mention your own or evaluate someone else's. Put quick questions in C&C Quickies instead.
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Re: Native American survival scenario

Post by mèþru »

I'm interested in resources about population movements and resettlement in Germany after the Thirty Years' War, as well as how the war impacted wages, peasantry (both rich and poor) and the serfs.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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One geographic name for Henrianne: the Brandywine river is called Rivière d'Arcachon, which becomes Rivere d'Arcachon (no accent) in Guyennese. It is named after an estuary in France whose colour was reminded by the seeing the Brandywine.

Also, I don't want a Nouvelle Guyenne or something like that to be the colonies' name.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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mèþru wrote:I've finished the revised document. There's some new stuff int there. I haven't put it up yet. Should I download it as a new documen or replace the current main document? What do we with the other documents that is supplants?
Upload it separately, and probably mark the other ones as "older/outdated" or something.
I also started making a very approximate map of the world c. 2010 might look in the alternate history based off random ideas that are too earlier to tell if they are good or not. I moved to other things way before finishing because the map probably won't be that useful (I'm certain some of those ideas will turn out to be unfeasible when we get to their eras).
That makes sense, I think the modern stuff can wait until we've worked all the way through. I was more thinking of maps of the historical statues around the period we're currently discussing as an aid to our discussion.
mèþru wrote:One geographic name for Henrianne: the Brandywine river is called Rivière d'Arcachon, which becomes Rivere d'Arcachon (no accent) in Guyennese. It is named after an estuary in France whose colour was reminded by the seeing the Brandywine.

Also, I don't want a Nouvelle Guyenne or something like that to be the colonies' name.
Maybe take a Franco-fied native name? I like the idea of naming Henrianne after the "river" (or at least after a river that resembles the river).
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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I understood what kind of mapped you asked for. The map of c. 2010 was for myself :-D

More river names: Rivere de sud (Delaware), Noortrivier (Hudson), Rivere de Minguanne (Christina River)

The Delaware bay is called Baie de Novele Nantes.

The colony is called Minguanne, from Dutch Minguannan from Unami Maaxwaashanna "Bear River" (because it originated in the land of the Susquehanna whom the Lenape called "Bear People". Or at least that's the etymology according to Wikipedia. I think it might have come from a different term used by the Lenape to refer to the Susquehanna which meant "without penises", which became Dutch and Swedish Minquas.)
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Downloaded: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1qJF ... OKTBo/edit#

Old stuff was moved to a new folder within the general folder.

Here's that unfinished map.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Messed with the formatting, added an info section, links and a few corrections about Minguanne. I don't know what to call each section, but I think they should have names. Also, I want to lock the older documents from editing so I don't accidentally make changes when viewing them. Is there a way to do that?
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Here's a form for suggesting place names.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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And here's (some of?) the place names we already have. Unless there are more that I am forgetting.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Here's part 1 of my Daléekommos sound changes, basically me just reposting what I just put on my Tumblr. In terms of presentation, I will be numbering each change in chronological order in the format D-N, where D stands for Daléekommos and N the number of the respective change. Additionally, since the effects of the earlier changes are hard to see through the modern forms, for the first few I will give forms which are hypothesised to have been used immediately after the respective change and all preceding changes.

D-1 is a highly notable change, the presence of which distinguishes the majority of the family from the Eastern branch, and that is the monophthongisation of short *we into *o, e.g. *we- “3rd person prefix” > *o- > e- (which otherwise would have regularly developed to *sa-) and *nekweti “one” > *nekotwi (> dekon plus the addition of the -anw suffix).

D-2 is less common, but is shared with both Arapho and Cheyenne, and that is the raising of short initial *e- to *i, e.g. *erenyiwa “man, person” > *irenyiwa > ennes “man”, *eškwete·wi “fire” > *iškote·wi > exkas. Note that though the current form appears to have retained the *e, compare *wetehkwema “his louse” > ekem, from PA *ehkwa “louse”, where the historic *e regularly developed to D a since it was non-initial, and *e·mehkwa·na “spoon” > awáasun, where the initial vowels have developed regularly to D /a/.

D-3 is quite uncommon in the family, but is shared with Cheyenne and is potentially related to certain developments in Massachusett, and that is yodation, where by PA *ke and *ke· gained an epenthetic glide to become *kye and *kye· respectively, e.g. *ke- “2nd person prefix” > *kye- > sa-, *mi·nehke·wa “she gathers berries” > *mi·nehkye·wa > biláasas.

In D-4 PA *θ falls together with PA *r before PA *p, *k, e.g. *maθkwa “bear” > *markwa > boó.

D-5 is common throughout the family regardless of branch and that is the merger of PA *r with *n, e.g. *e·rikwa “ant” > *e·nikwa > ale; compare *weta·nehsa “her little daughter” > ekuláax “her daughter”. This change is fed by D-4.

By D-6 PA nasals merge with the glottal stop *ʔ before another consonant except for the glides *w and *y, e.g. *penkwi “dust” > *peʔkwi > paá “ash”. This is especially noticeable with the locative ending *-enk-, e.g. *netaskyena·nenki “on our (excl.) land” > *netaskyena·neʔki > dakshansaá (with morphological changes).

D-7a as a change is almost universal in the Algonquian family, except for Sac-Fox-Kickapoo, Shawnee and Miami-Illinois, that being the loss of word-final vowels, e.g. *wemerkwemi “his blood” > *omeʔkom > ewe‘em. By D-7b any resulting word-final post-consonantal glides were lost as well (this change is also shared with many other languages with this sound changes), e.g. *meʔtekwi “stick” > *meʔtek > baáka “bow”. Unlike in many languages, (but like in Arapaho) this loss occurred even in bisyllables, e.g. *mo·swa “moose” > *mo·s > bíi, e.g. *aθwi “arrow” > *aθ > ot.

By D-8 all remaining post-consonantal glides were lost except after PA *k, e.g. *aθemwaki “dogs” > *aθemak > otwo vs. *maθkwaki “bears” > *maʔkwak > boóso. Compare *aya·pe·wa “male ungulate” > aya·pe·w > osupas “bull buffalo”, where the word-final glide was not deleted since it came after a vowel.

By D-9 PA *č, *š and *s merged as x before PA *p and *k, e.g. *maskeseni “blood, red” > *maxkyesen > boxsan, *eškwete·wi “fire” > *ixkote·w > exkas.

By D-10a, PA *s has also become x when the second member of a cluster, e.g. *aʔsenya “stone” > *aʔxen > oóxan “hill, mountain”. This is most particularly shown in the reflexes of the diminutive suffix *-ehs, otherwise lost in Daléekommos, e.g. *sa·kime·wehsa “little mosquito” > *ha·kime·wehx > huwasáax “fly” (see also “daughter” above). By change D-10b all remaining *s merged with PA *h, e.g., *si·po·wi “river” > *hi·po·w > hipis.

EDIT: fixed the numbering and altered changes D-7 and D-8 (I'm still hoping this'll be the last alteration I make to these changes, I'm getting sick of my constant indecision).
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Re: Native American survival scenario

Post by mèþru »

Nice. I'm starting to explore cultural changes, starting with Shakespeare. There's a bunch of new stuff in the folder.
mèþru wrote:I had some ideas about international culture, the alternative development of English and, [sarcasm]most importantly,[/sarcasm] tennis that I'll post here later.
Later today, maybe.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Idea I got yesterday:

Salvador Felipe Bonu y Lavalle (February 3, 1935 - Present) is a Sicilian-American singer, songwriter and politician. He was born in Habana, Cuba to a Sicilian immigrant and a local of the city. Salvador's maternal grandmother was an Anglo (Traatɥŋ speaking people who live in predominantely Spanish-speaking parts of the American Caribbean). He was raised bilingually in Spanish and Traatɥŋ and is practicing Catholic. In his youth, he was bullied at school for being part Anglo. Salvador sung both in Traatɥŋ and Spanish. His most famous hit was "Te tengo nena", which he sang win a duet with his long time friend, Elena Black (Afro-Cuban singer), in 1965. While unpopular in Cuba itself, it took the rest of the Hispanosphere by storm. Salvador became a member of the Cuban Cámara de Representantes in 1989. In 1997 he became a state senator and also unsuccessfully ran for governor in the same year. In 2001, he came out as gay, which was an open secret for decades by then. In 2008 he retired from politics and went back to singing, only to run for governor again in 2014 on an LGBT rights platform. He now works on providing resources and aid to LGBT people throughout the Americas. Throughout his political career, he focused mainly on race relations between Anglos, Negros and Blancos, as well as on issues affecting musicians. He is one of the staunchest proponents of a free market and deregulation in American politics, but at the same time is also a social liberal who has many friends involved with the the Civil Rights Movement in the 60s (which gave equal rights to blacks and women. Prior to this, women and blacks could not vote but also did not pay taxes. Also, Hispanics were given voting rights in English-speaking areas and vice-versa)

A 1967 French cover of "Te tengo nena", "Je t'ai chou", became an international pop standard. It is sung in a style somewhat reminiscent of chanson, but more "bubbly". A mixed Arabic-Turkish language cover by boy band Al-Bonne Façon made in 2014 became a number one hit in the Ottoman State for about a month.
Last edited by mèþru on Sun Sep 10, 2017 11:46 am, edited 1 time in total.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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I think French is dominant language and culture wise. More on that and English and tennis later today or next year or some time.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Again this is a copy-and-paste from my tumblr, so if you want to view it there here is a link.

OK, I am going to admit two things. Firstly, I forgot how much I was doing over the weekend, putting a lie to my claim that it would take a couple of days. Secondly I admit that this is going to be a trilogy, due to the limited amount of energy I have for writing huge posts (especially considering that I would prefer to have a different eample for everything) and that I don’t think it would feel right anyway, since there ground yet to be covered is much greater in size than the ground which has been so already.

I will be using the same conventions as I did in part 1, with the exception that intermediate steps will no longer be given for the forms immediately after the relevant sound change, since the modern forms more transparently reflect the results of later sound changes.

Befroe I recommence I’d just like to say a quick note regarding something I should have made clear in the previous post. Algonquian 3rd person forms are gender neutral, thus the singular forms could be translated as any of “he”, “she” or “they”. I opted for “she” partly out of tradition (it is the translation typically used in Algonquian studies), but also partly because the relevant forms would typically be assumed by native speakers to have a female antecedent unless provided with additional context (e.g. “pick berries” in the previous post and “husband” in this one).

D-11 is the “famous” Plains vowel shift, which D shares in some form with both Arapaho and Cheyenne, though the exact outcomes differ between all three languages. This consists of three main changes in D (as compared to 2 in Arapaho and 4 in Cheyenne). D-11a saw *o and *o· from PA *we and *o· merge with PA *i and *i· respectively, e.g. *mo·swa “moose” > bíi “bison” vs. *ni·šwanwi “two” > dishon. D-11b saw PA *a and *a· raise to u and u· respectively (higher than in either of Arapaho and Cheyenne, though the modern reflexes are ambiguous. The value of *u is proposed because it simplifies the action of D-12 below), e.g. *wa·poswa “hare” > supée, *weska·či “his leg” > exut. D-11c saw PA *e and *e· lower to *a and *a· respectively, e.g. *nepyi “water” > dap, *eθkwe·wa “woman” > eésas.

By D-12a high vowels were lowered to mid, i.e. original PA *i and the *i and *u resulting from D-11a and D-11b were lowered to *e and *o respectively, e.g. *akweʔm-wikamikwi “blanket house” > eéwowe “teepee” (via *okeʔmekomek), *nya·θanwi “five” > duton. By D-12b the short vowel *a from D-11c was reduced/raised, likely to schwa, distinguishing it in quality from long *a·. This change has since been lost from the modern language, except that reduced *a underwent vowel syncope while non-reduced *a· did not. By D-12c the remaining length contrast was lost.

By D-13 PA *k was lost entirely, as in Arapaho, e.g. *ka·ka·kiwa “raven” > us “crow”. This had several effects, most notably phonemicising inter-vocalic /x/ and /ʔ/, as well as creating instances of word-initial *y due to to D-3, e.g. *ki·škah- “chop through sth. with an instrument” > ix-.

By D-14 PA *t became /k/, filling the gap left by D-13, e.g. *wetečya·hkwa “crane” > ektúu. This is especially noticeable in the case of the epenthetic *t inserted between vowel-final prefixes and vowel-initial stems, e.g. *netaθwemi “my arrow” > dakot (with morphological changes).

By D-15 PA *θ and *č merged as D /t/, filling the gap left by D-14, e.g. *či·paya “spirit” > tipos, *weʔθ-a·pe·wa “her male husband” > eétupas "her husband". The merger of these two consonants is also a change shared with Arapaho, however the shift to /t/ is not.

By D-16a glides were lost after *x, e.g. *askyenki “land (loc.)” > oxaá. By D-16b any remaining coda *x was reduced to *h before *p, e.g. *nespetwini “my arm, hand” > dáapken “my arm”.

D-17 saw the genesis of tone in D though the loss of coda glottal consonants (by now the only word-internal syllabel codas). By D-17a coda *h was lost leaving a falling tone on the preceding vowel, e.g. *atehkwa “caribou” > okáa “mountain sheep”. By D-17b a coda *ʔ was lost leaving a rising tone on the preceding vowel, e.g. *meʔši- “big” > baásh-.
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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So now it turns out that I’ve made so many alterations to the working of relative clauses and their associated morphology in Daléekommos that it isn’t even “Daléekommos” anymore, it’s Áalaléekowoó. Oh well.
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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OK, finally going to do the final part of this trilogy, sorry it’s take longer than I’d hoped. With this I’ll go into the final changes leading up to the modern language.

D-18 had two phases. In D-18a remaining *w merged with *y, as in Arapaho and Cheyenne. This likely took place at the same time as the merger of PA *o(·) with *i(·), however it is included here in order to link it with D-18b, where the resulting phonemes *y became /s/, e.d. *meʔtekw-a·pyi “stick-string” > baáksup “bowstring”, *kya·θeswewa “she hid” > sutes.

D-19 saw the syncope of the (historically) short unaccented vowels (i.e. *e, *o and *ə) between consonants word-internally between vowels, e.g. *ka·wiyaki “porcupine quills” > usso, *newa·pama· “I see someone” > dasupwu “I see them (sg. or pl.)”. The fact that these vowels syncopated when historical long vowels didn’t would appear to indicate that those vowels retained some degree of length after the shift in quality.

D-20 saw the assimilation of sibilants to the place of articulation of the second consonat, e.g. *ki·šokwari “days” > isson.

D-21 saw the syncope of vowels in hiatus. By D-20a the second vowel was deleted when it was a short unaccented *e or *o, e.g. *či·kahamwa “he chops it” > tihom. By D-20b in all other cases the first vowel was deleted, e.g. *akwetenamwa “she hangs it up (by hand)” > eklom “she hangs it up”, *mi·ka·θe·wa “she fights him” > bukas.

By D-22 *ə merged with *a, e.g. 1st person singular *ne- > da- vs. *me·yi “faeces” > bas.

By D-23 *h from both PA *h and PA intervocalic *s was lost after a consonant, e.g. *wetehkwema “her louse” > ekem.

By D-24 a cluster of consonant + glottal stop is broken up with an epenthetic unaccented copy of the vowel following the glottal stop, e.g. *šentenkaki “pines (loc.)” > shaáko‘o “among the pines” vs. *šentenkahi “pines (obv. loc.)” > shaáko‘oó “in the pine(s) (obv.)”.

Not included in these changes are the development of the allophony of the nasal consonants, which is not included partly because it is still entirely allophonic and synchronic process, though it may have a relatively long history in the language.
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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OK, so I’d better start on the grammar, and I’ll start with the bit that is pretty much set in stone - the nominal inflection, which has been pretty much sorted since day one and has pretty much been immune to tinkering bar one or two minor details.

In this first post I’ll cover everything bar possession, which is undoubtedly the most complex part of the nominal morphology and frankly deserves its own separate post.

All nouns inflect for number, possession and locative case. Additionally nouns fall into two genders, animate and inanimate; this difference is not overtly marked on the nouns except in pluralisation/obviation morphology (only animate nouns may inflect for obvition, and the forms of the plural suffixes are different), and it has major effects in other areas of the grammar, particularly the verbs. The assignment is mostly semantic, though a few otherwise inanimate nouns are assigned to the animate class with regards to morphology.

The proximative and inanimate singulars consist of the bare nominal stems, which may take any shape, e.g. animate ennes “man”, eésas “woman”, otam “dog”, bíi “bison”, boó “bear”; inanimate bashi “blanket” (Crow-Hidatsa loan), shaák “pine”, oóxan “mountain”. These are derived from the merger of PA *-a and *-i due to the loss of word-final vowels.

The proximate plural is underlyingly -o (from PA *-aki) and the inanimate plural is -on (PA *-ari). These agglutinate regularly after a consonant, however after a vowel there is a good deal more irregularity. Some stems add an epenthetic -s-, e.g. baáka “bow” > baákason “bows”, boó “bear” > boóso “bears”, okáa “mountain sheep” > okáaso “mountai sheep (pl.)”. The remaing stems with a word-final falling or rising tone epenthesis -h- and -‘- respectively and lose the tone on the preceding vowel, e.g. bíi “bison” > biho “bison (pl.). This is particularly noticeable with the locative suffix, e.g. dakoxlosaá “on our land” > dakoxloso‘on “on our lands” (the vowel harmonisation is the product of regular sound change: see this post). Finally a few stems reflect the results of historical vowel syncope and have “irregular” or no plural. e.g. bonkisu “sacred site” > bonkisu(n) “sacred sites” (speakers disagree over whether this is an animate or inanimate noun), bihso “herd of buffalo” > bihso “herds of buffalo”.

The obviative is marked (only on animate nouns) by the suffix -óo (PA obviative plural *-ahi), and can be either singular or plural. Again after vowels this stem alternation in the same manner as with the plural (e.g. boósóo “bear(s) (obv.)”, bihóo “bison(s) (obv.)”); however with syncopating nouns it is aways the stem-final vowel which is deleted (e.g. bihsóo “herd(s) of bison (obv.)”, (bonkisóo “sacred site(s) (obv.)”)).

Finally the locative suffix (from PA *-enk-) is realised as -aá word-finally and as -V‘- before another inflectional suffix (where the vowel before the glottal stop is an echo copy of the following vowel) e.g. oóxanaá “on the mountain”, eéwowesaá “in the teepee”, shaáko‘on “among the trees”. After a vowel the suffix generally behaves the same as the obviative when in the form -aá and in the same way as the plural when in the form -V‘-, and additionally in the latter case with stems without epenthetic consonants do not insert the echo vowel, e.g. bonkisaá “at the sacred site” but bonkisu‘o(n) “at the sacred sites”. The semantics of this suffix are vague, encompassing a diverse range of locative meanings such as “in”, “on”, “with”, “by”, “to” and “among” (that last one particularly with plural nouns); this is usually clarified by the predicate.
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Now for possession

Perpendicular to the animate inanimate noun-class distinction is a distinction between alienable and inalienable nouns, as in all other Algonquian languages. However the morphological manifestation of that distinction has changed from Proto-Algonquian. The PA alienable possessive theme suffix *-em- has been lost except on a couple of now inalienable nouns, e.g. dakem “my louse”, dawe‘em “my blood”. Instead the alienable/inalienable distinction manifests itself in the persence/absence respectively of the third person prefix e- (e.g. ewaáka “his bow” vs. káa “his heart”). Both of these developments see the language moving away from its Algonquian roots and assimmilating to Crow norms.

The forms of the possessive affixes are summed up in the following table, where N is the noun root:

Image

Note that the plural/obviative suffixes precede any other inflectional suffices (see Part 1) the noun may take, e.g. ewennes “her (obv.) berry”, ewenneson “her (obv.) berries”, ewenneso‘on “in her (obv.) berries”. Additionally with the 2nd and 3rd person plural suffix the /s/ is inserted after a vowel-final root, e.g. sawíisus “your buffalo” from bíi “buffalo”. Finally, with proximative possessors possessing animate nouns the possessed noun must be marked obviative, e.g. ewihóo “his buffalo (obv.), not *ewíi.

There are certain irregularities with vowel-initial (phonetically glottal-stop initial) stems. Those which derive from an PA vowel-initial stem regularly epenthesise -k- (PA *-t-) between prefix and stem vowel, though stems beginning with a short weak vowel (e or o) may syncopate it after the epenthesis of -k- before a single consonant, particularly in older speakers, e.g. dakotam, daktam “my dog”.

Those nouns which began with PA *k-, where that *k- was not followed by a glide or an e-vowel (which produced an initial s- in Áalaléekowoó) show more irregularity. In most cases, particularly in alienable nouns, the epenthetic -k- was analogically extended, e.g. dakissuloso‘on “in our (excl.) day(s)”. However in a couple of inalienable nouns the prefix vowel was instead deleted by regular vowel syncope, e.g. delun “my mother”, deékun “my throat”.

Those inalienable nouns which had vowel-initial stems and showed contraction with the prefix were also remodelled, since regular sound changes on those nnouns would have produced a situation where the 3rd person was marked with s- and the 2nd with a zero prefix; these stems were remodelled as s-initial stems on the basis of the 3rd person forms, e.g. dasitle “my tongue”, which by regular sound change would have come out as *ditle.

Finally one or two inalienable nouns show a long accented vowel on the prefix, the reflex of a stem-initial cluster in PA, e.g. dáapken “my hand”, éepken “his hand”.
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Added a lot of new content for modern times.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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Added a new language and info on alt-Portuguese. The new language is a Malay creole spoken in New Guinea. Its base language is a pidgin itself: North Maluku Malay. The language is heavily influenced by Philippine languages and Spanish, with a more modest Dutch and French influence. The main speakers of the creole would be the inhabitants of the island. A plurality of the Spanish speakers that contributed to the development of the language spoke Philippine Spanish. A majority were born in Europe.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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mèþru wrote:I'm interested in resources about population movements and resettlement in Germany after the Thirty Years' War, as well as how the war impacted wages, peasantry (both rich and poor) and the serfs.
Still pretty important, as I want it as a model for France after all the wars from 1625-1661. I think the French might invite Catholic immigrants from the EBI and Poland to settle their least inhabited areas. I'm thinking about 30,000 Irish people settle, outnumbering all the other settlers who are neither French or Guyennese. This would mean that the most heavily affected areas might be majority Irish speaking even into the present. Or that 19th and 18th century nationalism will lead to an Irish equivalent of the Vergonha.

Minguanne being to the south of where I thought Henrianne would be means we need to rethink the Beaver Wars.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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The Irish speakers do not maintain contact with the motherland. Their Gaelic (East Leinster dialect) becomes mutually unintelligible with the standard Gaelic (something like County Cavan Irish) due to radical phonological and grammatical changes which make it more SAE.

They also introduce potatoes to the diet of French peasants, although the court's cuisine doesn't incorporate it.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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I just realised that the Dutch would be cut off from supplying the Iroquois with arms, as Nieuw-Nederlands was conquered by England in 1641 and never returned. This means the the French could probably just force the Iroqouis into a stalemate in the 1640s with the Hurons and Susquehannock as allies. The Iroquois would be unable to resupply; any traders would be trading in violation of the colonial law, as the colony is not going to fight against an ally (French America is loyal to Louis XIII, XIV and XV rather than to Gaston). The other English colonies are not going to fight the Susquehannock as they would be fighting against the Guyennese and possibly the governor of New Cambridge (provisional name for Nieuw-Nederlands after conquest). The Amerinds of New England might also join on the French side.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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While the English are still trying to impose their authority (New Netherlands didn't surrender without a fight and there is illegal trade going on with the Amerinds), the Iroquois get some resupply. The war ends in December 1648 by a peace treaty. Due to the same economic reasons the Iroquois started these wars, the Susquehannock begin a campaign of expansion. First, they threaten the Scahentoarrhonon into becoming their tributary to protect them from the Iroquois. The Guyennese colonists attack the Susquehannock because they fear that this could disrupt their trade. The Oneida and Onondaga attack trespassers in their lands from both sides. The Oneida then launch a surprise attack on the Scahentoarrhonon, who seek temporary refuge in the lands of the Lenape. The Lenape then join the Guyennese side. The numerical superiority of Susuqehannock gave them an initial advantage, so the Guyennese asked for the English colonies to intervene. Most ignored the request, viewing Guyennese as competitors for land and trade. The Governor of New Cambridge arranged for shipment of supplies for Minguanne and organised a militia to aid the Guyennese. Much of the rural Dutch population was arrested on suspicion of arming the Susquehannock. In 1651, the Susquehannock gave up and promised to help the Guyennese rebuild on the condition that the arms and fur trade resume. In 1655, they went to war with the Erie nation. This war lasted ten years, but they ended up with most of Ohio. Most of the Erie had been killed or enslaved, with the survivors fleeing to the Miami. The Susquehannock then allied with Iroquois to destroy the Miami-Illinois confederacies. The other peoples of the Wabash area joined the Miami-Illinois side. It took the Iroquoian alliance and various Siouan tribes five years to crush the confederacy. The area east of the Wabash's source becomes Susquehannock territory. The Iroquois are given the right to hunt there every four years (with 1673 being the first year they can hunt there). The rest is left for the Miami, Illinois and Wabash Confederacy to fight over with the Siouans. As a consequence, the large scale migrations of the non-Iroquian indigenous peoples that happened in the Beaver Wars never occur. When the Mascouten are driven out of Michigan by the Potawatomi, they split into two groups. One travels east and destroys the Neutral Nation. The other travels southwest and kicks out the Illinois from the Chicago area. Chicago will still go by the same alternate history name: Chicagoua.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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Re: Native American survival scenario

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In the meanwhile, Spain, the Papal States, Milan, Savoy, Tuscany. the Knights of St. John, Genoa and Modena and Reggio are fighting the Ottomans, who captured Malta and southern Sicily. Sultan Ibrahim made the conquests a sanjak of Tunis as recognition of the Tunisian contributions to the invasion. This was met with quiet opposition from the Eyalet of the Archipelago, who hoped to acquire it, as well as from the Tripolitanian forces. Noto was made the capital of the Sanjak of Ṣiqilliyya. I'm not sure who will win. Either way, Maltese begins to be displaced by a mix of various other Arabics on the island. I think by the modern era Maltese would be 80% intelligible to Tunisians instead of 40%. Many unsatisfied minor lords in southern Sicily convert to Islam and defect to the Ottomans (which is how the Ottomans managed to gain most of the Val di Noto). In addition, an effort is made to help descendants of the Jews expelled from Malta return to the island. A mosque was built in Noto in 1648, and a synagogue was built in Valletta in 1653.
ìtsanso, God In The Mountain, may our names inspire the deepest feelings of fear in urkos and all his ilk, for we have saved another man from his lies! I welcome back to the feast hall kal, who will never gamble again! May the eleven gods bless him!
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