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zompist bboard • View topic - Baranxeï (now with causatives!)

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PostPosted: Mon May 30, 2011 7:19 pm 
Avisaru
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I think it's time to introduce Baranxeï to this crowd's scrutiny.

1.
2.
3. Grammar
3.1.
3.2. Nouns and Adjectives
3.2.1.1
3.2.1.2
3.2.1.3
3.3. Pronouns and demonstratives
3.3.1
3.3.2
3.4. Verbs
3.4.1
3.4.2 Verbal derivation
3.4.2.1.
4
5
---

Let's start it off with phonology

Vowels

i /i/ - ī /y/
e /e/ - ē /ɛ/
o /o/
u /u/
a /ɑ/ - ā /ɒ/

In a stressed position, the vowels appear long. In the word-final syllable, they are generally in a reduced form [ɪ, y̆, ə, ə, ɤ, ɯ, ɐ, ɒ̆]. What exactly substitutes a word-final syllable is somewhat irregular, though; some clitics take over the role of last syllable, whereas others don’t affect the vocalic quality in the final syllable of the stem.

[y, ɛ, ɒ] derive from historical [i:, e:, ɑ:] and still function as 'long' variants of [i, e, ɑ] in sandhi. Thus, a lengthened [ɑ] appears as [ɒ], for example, lākan horse [‘lɒ:kɐn] > acc sg *lākann > lākā̃n [‘lɒ:kɒ̃n].

Nasalisation is a peripheral feature of Baranxeï. It exists in the standard language, both in citation forms (hãmī I [hɑ̃:my̆]) and triggered (śap building [ʃɑ:p], accusative śãmp [ʃɑ̃:mp]), but most dialects and subsequently, colloquial variants, have lost nasalisation.

The native, true diphthongs are:
ai [ɑɪ] – au [ɑʊ] – ei [eɪ] – ēi [ɛɪ] – oi [oɪ]

Combinations of i+vowel are pronounced as [j]V, and often just written as j+Vowel.
Combinations of u+vowel are pronounced as [w]V.
An exception are the plural endings of vocalic stems. The official writing is <-aja, -ija, -īja, -oja, -uja>, where the j is often dropped, but pronunciation remains [ɑjɐ, ijɐ, yjɐ, ojɐ, ujɐ].

Between two other vowels, /u/ appears as /β/, written <v> (realisation varies). /i/ appears as [j], written <j>.

A hiatus between two vowels is marked with <'> and is generally pronounced with an intervening [ʔ]. Thus, <Baranxe'i> ['bɑ:rɑnxeʔɪ].

Consonants

First of all, there are the main series:
p /p/ - b /b/ - f /ɸ/ - v /β/ - m /m/
t /t/ - d /d/ - þ /θ/ - ð /ð/ - n /n/
s /s/ - z /z/ - ś /ʃ/ - ź /ʒ/ - ñ /ɲ/
k /k/ - g /g/ - x /x/ - ġ /ɣ/ - ŋ /ŋ/

They are complemented by the ‘other’ consonants:
r /r/ - l /l/ - j /j/ - h /h/

In addition, there are the semi-native affricates <ts, dz, tś, dź> /ts tʃ dz dʒ/. They occur in words loaned from the Southern dialect group, where the original alveolar series shifted to these sounds instead of the /s ʃ z ʒ/ of the Northern dialect on which the standard is mainly based.

Furthermore, a number of sounds are reasonably common thanks to loans, although they are not considered fully 'native'. These include initial preaspirated stops (written <hp, ht, hk>) and initial [tⁿ] (pm- and kŋ- get simplified to m- and ŋ-, however).

Allophonic variants and sandhi developments mostly occur when two consonants stand in a cluster; the voiced/unvoiced distinction, for example, persists both intervocalically and in coda.

/h/ is [h] initially, [ɦ] between two vowels and [x] before another consonant.

/β/ only is [β] in careful, formal diction. Realisation in most colloquial variants (and dialects) varies considerably, but is often [v]. The Western dialects have an intervocalic [w].

/m/ and /n/ assimilate before labials and dentals in a cluster only in the coda. Thus, śap > acc sg śãmp [ʃɑ̃:mp], acc du śãnpu [ʃɑ̃:n.pɯ]. But ruk dream > acc sg rũŋk [rũ:ŋk], acc du rũŋku [rũ:ŋkɯ]. This is usually indicated in writing, with the exception of the superlative prefix an-.

/ɣ/ is realized as [ɣ] or [ʁ], depending on the speaker’s dialect and the sound’s environment. It shifts to [w] before another consonant. Especially in old words (as opposed to adhoc derivations), this is also indicated in writing, for example ma mother + -ġte honorific > mauta [‘mɑʊtɐ] someone else's mother.

Any combination of [k, ŋ] + sibilant results in [kʃ]. Thus, older lauksa to weave > modern laukśa, udāsa to sing > *udās-k-u > udākśu song, kazna to cook > *kaz-k-u > kakśu meal, dish.

Standard Baranxeï has no long or geminated consonants, any doubled consonants lead to compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel (thus pir pass [pi:r] > dat sg *pi-r-r > pīr [py:r]).


Stress

For monosyllabic words, there are two options: they can be clitics, in which case their vowels are always in its reduced form. -ðu your is [ðɯ].
Free monosyllabics invariably have a long vowel. tne a root vegetable is [tⁿe:].


Disyllabics usually carry stress on the first syllable, except for bare interrogative pronouns and some interjections.


Trisyllabics gets interesting. Mostly, either the first or second syllable can be stressed; an exception are compounds of the sequence disyllabic + monosyllabic, and adverbs, which are formed by adding -ú to the adjective root.

If there is one heavy vowel ([y, ɛ, ɒ]) or a diphthong, this syllable gets the stress. (harēŋa hailstorm [hɑˈɾɛːŋɐ], māneśa firstborn [ˈmɒːneʃɐ]).

If all three syllables contain light vowels with different qualities, the penultimate gets the stress. (namuki plea [nɑˈmu:kɪ]).

If two subsequent syllables contain a vowel of the same quality (using the underlying phoneme, not the actual phone), the stress shifts to the first syllable. Thus, inakā experienced (anim) [iˈnɑːkɒ̆] and inaki experienced (masc) [iˈnɑːkɪ], but inaka experienced (fem) [ˈiːnɑkɐ].

Compounds generally keep their stress.

--

Up next: either a short overview of its history, or diving headfirst into nominal morphology.

Edited to add some clarifications according to Drydic Guy's suggestions.

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Last edited by MisterBernie on Sat Nov 26, 2011 1:43 pm, edited 13 times in total.

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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Tue May 31, 2011 4:09 am 
Sumerul
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This looks fun. :) (Not a very constructive comment, but yeah.)


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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Tue May 31, 2011 5:59 am 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Tue May 31, 2011 8:26 am 
Avisaru
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Tue May 31, 2011 1:45 pm 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Tue May 31, 2011 5:16 pm 
Avisaru
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Tue May 31, 2011 6:04 pm 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Tue May 31, 2011 6:26 pm 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Wed Jun 01, 2011 6:57 pm 
Avisaru
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Given how I actually have to refer to the various dialects reasonably often in the upcoming grammar, let's continue with a historical bit, which also allows me to show off my mad MS Paint skills.

A Concise History of Baranxeï

In Which A Short Overview Is Given of the History, and Rough Developments of the Baranxeï Language
Where A Comparison to the other Languages of the Aketamsey Grouping Is Heeded
With Collourd Mapfe OF QUALITY FUPERIOR!

The Akētamse'i Languages

Baranxe'i belongs to the Akētamse'i branch of the Meleiyan (spellings vary) languages (for purposes of fast typing, I'll be lazy and refer to them as Aketamsei from here on). The Aketamsei languages include the Baranxe'i-Asvāneica-Máñḷ dialect continuum (with those three languages being the three standard languages drawing from the continuum), as well as Vereti and its dialects and Amarin and its dialects.

The beginnings of the language(s) lies in the establishment of the Five Marches (ayīrakētṃcei̯eḥ) by the Ilatemaian Empire to protect its western borders against incursions by the nomadic and semi-nomadic tribal federations of Talitre.
Let's visualise this with the help of a little map, yes?



Yes.
The orange area indicated the main origin of the settlers of the west. The date for this would be ~700 BCE (no concalendar because that is math-y and maths = evil).
The area settled had been annexed earlier from settled Talitran tribes and was heavily depopulated as a result of a convenient epidemic and the war, making it relatively easy for the new settlers.
The five marches ultimately gave rise to the five "march languages":
Bʱēre-t-akētṃce, the March of Bʱēre, also covered territory ceded by the city state of Shanna (mainly its dependency Vērja) and thus had a different subtrate than the other marches. For the first century or two of its development, the Aketamsei-speaking area was non-contiguous with the others, and although it shares some later developments especially with Baranxe'i, modern Vereti is highly divergent from the other languages.
Āmār-t-akētṃce, the March of Āmār, similarly lies on mainly non-Talitran territory, which accounts for the different influences on its language (coupled with its non-contiguous-ness). Later developments brought Amarin closer to Máñḷ, especially in regards to their shared vowel harmony.

This leaves us with the area that gave rise to the BAM-continuum, which is what's important for this thread.
Rānakʲu-t-akētṃce, the March of the Disease Bringer (no, seriously), named so for its marshes and endemic malaria, gave rise to the dialects which are grouped under the dach of Baranxe'i, in particular the Northern Baranxe'i group.
Acʰūan-t-akētṃce, the March of Wine, which at least in name is the originator of Asvāneica, although its northern third (or two thirds, depending on definition) make up the southern dialects of Baranxe'i.
Āonkc-akētṃce, the Southern March, where apart from Asvāneica, Máñḷ developed.
These three form the core of Proto-Aketamsei, and share many innovations, such as the complete loss of the aspiration-*palatalisation distinction of pre-PA and their general shift towards fricatives, and the acquiring of a shitload of Talitran loanwords.
The following centuries see a weak differentiation between the various dialects, resulting in what is termed pre-Old Baranxe'i, pre-Old Asvāneica, etc. The phonological development is hyper-conservative so far, and the differentiation mainly concern lexical developments for now (for example, PA often offers the choice between a simple root and an augmented root, e.g. simple pʲil vs augmented pʲeil star; daughter languages usually adopt only one form of the root, cf Baranxe'i feilu star, feilēna shine vs Asvāneica fir, firīṇa).

One of the biggest divergent features is the development of the original alveolar series (t, tʰ, tʲ / d, dʱ, dʲ). Northern pre-Old Baranxe'i has [t~s, tʰ~sʰ / d~z, dʱ~zʱ], southern pre-Old Baranxe'i has [ts, tsʰ; dz, dzʱ], whereas pre-Old Asvāneica has [c, ts / ɟ, dz] (the others only have their modern results fixed right now, so their pre-Old status is somewhat up in the air).

Old Baranxe'i
Fast forward to the 1st century CE, and the Ilatemaian Empire is crumbling.
The Disease March and Southern March both start campaigns for their independence and quickly win it, ushering in the proper Old X period. They begin to write in their own language for the first time (having previously used the Ancient Ilatemaian language). The territory of this first Baranxtuan state covers the earlier Disease March, and also large parts of the Wine March. Its political and cultural center lies in ɢʱṇd, whose dialect becomes the basis for Classical Old Baranxe'i (although the endonym for their language was kūnuir the language, and whether they would feel any kinship with the modern state of Baranxtu or its language and inhabitants is up for debate). COB becomes important later on as a source of many educated loans into whatever the current state of language is.
COB preserves an older state where many aspirated stops remain unshifted, whereas the dialects of the later stage of Old Baranxe'i have all shifted them to some fricatives or affricates. The only exception are the dental stops, which already appears as [þ, ð] in COB. Importantly, the dialect of ɢʱṇd falls into the North dialects (which is a Northern dialect), whereas modern Baranxe'i is mostly based on a Central dialect (whose classification is a bit difficult, more on that later).

Baranxe'i during this period also absorbs even more Talitran loanwords than the southern parts of the BAM continuum. The south borders generally nomadic territory with little interaction with Talitrans, whereas the Baranxe'i areas border permanently settled territory. These words are the source of modern [tⁿ]-, and a large source for [xp]-, [xt]- and [xk]-.

The end of the Baranxe'i kingdom comes with a disastrous war against the Atamian kingdom, which leads to a short period of vassalage and the long-term loss of huge swathes of northeastern territory, the utter destruction of ɢʱṇd, and great social and political upheavals (at least in part caused by a huge influx of northern refugees in the southern parts) which leads to the next phase.

Middle Baranxe'i
The Great Vowel Change of Baranxe'i is the single biggest phonological marker. It starts in the south and spreads northwards, although it doesn't reach the northernmost dialects (whose speakers live under Atamian rule) until much, much later, when many of the vowels to which it could've applied have gone through their separate changes.

The next few centuries, Baranxtu (the name slowly emerges during this time after the shift of capital from lost ɢʱṇd to Baranxiź, site of a cult temple to Baranxi, a euphemistically deformed and/or syncretistic Middle Baranxe'i version of older Rānakʲu) remains a small player and is eclipsed in prestige both by the Atamian empire and the emerging kingdom of Máñalle in the south (the former South March). The early Middle Baranxe'i period is marked by a lot of loans taken from Middle Máñḷ.

Around 1000 CE, fortunes shift for Baranxtu, as it acquires large western territories (again from the Talitran tribes, who just won't get a break).
This situation is important, as it precedes a huge expansion of the Baranxe'i-speaking areas, and also the emergence of a new formalised Baranxe'i.

The Northern group forms a unity on phonological grounds; they share developments not found in the south and vice versa (although many southern shifts would spread northwards later on).
The Central dialect, however, is a bit of an odd one out. Regarding grammar, vocabulary and syntax, it is much closer to the southern variants. As it forms the basis of Modern Standard Baranxe'i, this is an important fact. For example, Northern and Eastern dialects generally show a genitive versus partitive distinction (modern times approximately kunsi-tu vs kunsi-i, with considerable variation of the realisation of the suffixes); they share this with Vereti (modern koons-t vs kouns-i. On the other hand, a genitive-partitive merger is not only found in the Central and Southern dialects of Baranxe'i (kunsi-tu), but also Asvāneica (modern kōñci-t, with -i being used for consonant stems kōñ-i) and Amarin (køyṃdź-e). Máñḷ has two cases, too, but with switched suffixes (genitive kønn-i, partitive køn-d).

Around 1500 CE, the development of a new stress-length system beings in the Central dialects. This marks the beginning of

Modern Baranxe'i
Loaning now mainly takes place from COB, often to replace earlier Atamian or Máñḷ loans (Talitran loans often remain untouched as a) they are present in COB, as well, and b) they often have gone too native to notice).

The development of the modern standard is slow and the language largely remains written only. Its phonology is largely based on the dialect of Baranxiź, its vocabulary is thoroughly mixed, but leans heavily on COB and Religious Baranxe'i (a separate register that survives until the modern period as a separate quasi-dialect with archaic phonology, arcane grammar and antiquated vocabulary), although the merchant lingua franca supplies many words, as well.
The 18t century CE sees the standard becoming more and more modernised and brought closer to the spoken standard of Baranxiź.

Ultimately, the Modern Standard loosely reflects the status of the 1820s. Things like the loss of nasalisation mentioned above didn't hit the Central dialects until the late 19th century CE.

Many other shifts in "Modern" Baranxe'i haven't actually influenced the standard, or are limited to certain dialects (one marker for Eastern-ness is [þ] > [t], which took place in the Modern period), and the various dialects of the Baranxe'i continuum are not fully mutually intelligible nowadays. This has lead to the (partial) adoption of Modern Standard Baranxe'i as a second language for most modern Baranxe'i-speakers.

There are also the settler dialects, which nowadays account for more than half of Baranxe'i native speakers. They have their own sub-classifications, but as these settler dialects had little influence on the standard language, I'll leave them for another time.
Here's a map of the modern distribution:



Do note that the southernmost dialect is a Northern one, and the northernmost a Southern one.

Having said all that, next up, nominal morphology! Yay!

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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Wed Jun 01, 2011 8:59 pm 
Avisaru
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This is really cool, the latest post that is, and I'mma comment on it later more thoroughly...but a quick question:

Máñḷ

Is that a click at the end?


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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Wed Jun 01, 2011 9:26 pm 
Avisaru
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Wed Jun 01, 2011 9:32 pm 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Thu Jun 02, 2011 1:20 am 
Sumerul
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You've succeeded in making me feel like all my languages are super incomplete. :cry: I can only repeat roninbodhisattva and say this is really cool!


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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Thu Jun 02, 2011 1:55 am 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Thu Jun 02, 2011 2:15 am 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Thu Jun 02, 2011 8:59 am 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Thu Jun 02, 2011 12:41 pm 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Thu Jun 02, 2011 11:02 pm 
Avisaru
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Grammar - On Gender

General bit
Baranxe'i has a somewhat complicated gender system. As its marking is (semi-)obligatory on both nouns/adjectives and verbs, I'm going to post some general stuff on it first before diving in.

The primary distinction is between animate and inanimate. This distinction is obligatorily marked in both the standard language and virtually all dialects.

However, there is also a further distinction between animate common, animate masculine and animate feminine. This distinction has been lost in most dialects, and as a consequence is not mandatory anymore when using Standard Baranxe'i, although formal registers still make heavy use of it.

Consonantal stems can be either animate or inanimate, although most are in the inanimate category.

Vocalic stems ending in -a (and more rarely -e/-ē) are feminine. Verbs invariable use -a- to mark the feminine.

Vocalic stems ending in -i are masculine. Verbs also use -i- exclusively.

Vocalic stems ending in -ī (mostly nouns) or -ā (mostly adjectives) are common. Verbs use -ē-.

Vocalic stems ending in -o or -u are inanimate. Verbs use -o- in the active and -u- in the passive.

History bit
In pre-Old Baranxe'i, only animate and inanimate existed. These were inherent features of a noun and not marked on the stem. Nouns could variously end in a vowel or a consonant. There was, however, a feature to mark natural sex where needed, namely the male suffix -īḥ and the female suffix -āḥ (the <ḥ> represents a fricative of unknown value which was later lost and which I totally haven't stolen from PIE).
For example:
p-OB kijamne [ki‘dɑmnə] - creature, being, animate
> kijamnīḥ [ki‘dɑmni:H] - male creature
> kijamnāḥ [ki‘dɑmnɑ:H] - female creature
vs
p-OB ēkʰā [e:kʰɑ:] - skin inanimate
vs
p-OB markʰī ['mɑrkʰi:] - fire inanimate
vs
p-OB cʰape ['tʰɑpə] - building, inanimate

The shift from pre-Old Baranxe'i to Old Baranxe'i saw apocope of unstressed vowels in final, open syllables, and shortening of final long vowels.
This leaves us with forms such as:
OB hijamn [hi'zɑmn̩] ~ animate
> hijamni [hi'zɑmni] ~ animate + male
> hijamna [hi'zɑmnɑ] ~ animate + female
vs
OB ēkʰa ['e:xɑ] ~ inanimate
vs
OB markʰi ['mɑrxi] ~ inanimate
vs
OB cʰap ['sʰɑp] ~ inanimate

The vast majority of non-sex marked nouns are now, however, consonant stems, and most stems that end in vowels receive this vowel due to sex-marking. This prevalence of sex marking leads to originally inanimate nouns (and animate nouns without a sex) being conflated with sex-marked animate nouns, and the emergence of a masculine and a feminine gender, which spreads to verbs (where the original animate/inanimate markers -ē- vs -u-/-ū- were preserved alone) by analogy.
This process is pretty much finished only by the Middle Baranxe'i stage, where we now find:
MB izãm [i'zɑ̃m] - animate common
> izãmi [i'zɑ̃mi] - animate masculine
> izãma [i'zɑ̃mɑ] - animate feminine
and
MB ēxa ['ɛ:xɑ] - animate feminine
and
MB marxi ['mɑrxi] - animate masculine
vs
MB śap [ʃɑp] - inanimate
This is also pretty much the state found in Standard Baranxe'i.
Most dialects (except for Eastern) have since lost the f/m distinction again in favour of a return to one animate gender (although the historical processes have left many originally inanimate nouns in the animate category). The only exception are the Northern dialects, which generally kept the old system (although actual gender distinction is minimal).

For completeness' sake, the modern dictionary forms:
ModB izãm, izam ['i:zɑ̃m, 'i:zɑm] or izãmī, izamī [i'zɑ̃:my̆, izɑ:my̆] (common)
> ModB izãmi, izami [i'zɑ̃:mɪ, i'zɑ:mɪ] (m)
> ModB izãma, izama ['i:zɑ̃mɐ, 'i:zɑmɐ] (f)
and
ModB ēxē ['ɛːxɛ̆] (f)
and
ModB marxi ['mɑ:rxɪ] (m)
vs
ModB śap [ʃɑ:p] (inanim)

Conclusion bit
To elaborate on the present situation:
The masculine-feminine-common-inanimate distinction persists among nouns to some extent. Adjectives usually agree in those four categories, but in casual speech and writing, masculine, feminine and common nouns will use the common verb suffixes.
Making a gender distinction in pronouns is almost wholly obsolete. Using either hãma or hãmi in speech (instead of hãmī and its dialectal variants) will sounds approximately as saying "I, a woman" or "I, a man" - accurate, but stilted and strange.

So, formal Baranxe'i (think legalese):
marxi marxibis - a fire (m) burns (m)
alē'i marxibis - a man (m) burns/is burnt (m)
īna marxibas - a woman (f) burns/is burnt (f)
hãm(a/i) marxib(a/i)s - I (f/m) burn/am burnt (f/m)
lākan marxibes - a horse (anim) burns/is burnt (anim)
śap marxibos - a building (inanim) burns/is burnt (inanim)

Casual Standard Baranxe'i:
marxi marxibes - a fire (m) burns (anim)
alē'i marxibes - a man (m) burns/is burnt (anim)
īna marxibes - a woman (f) burns/is burnt (anim)
hãmī marxibes - I (anim) burn/am burnt (anim)
lākan marxibes - a horse (anim) burns/is burnt (anim)
śap marxibos - a building (inanim) burns/is burnt (inanim)


Next probably nouns. I hope. Unless I do a history bit on number.

---
ETA:
A map with gender-system isoglosses:

animate-inanimate means those dialects which never acquired a prominent masculine/feminine distinction and thus keep genders as in pre-Old Baranxe'i. This are extends also to all Vereti dialects in the east (marxi and śap are inanimate).
c(ommon)-m(asculine)-f(eminine)-inanimate means those dialects that acquired and maintained the distinction. These are the fewest dialects in Baranxe'i, but include pretty much all Asvāneica dialects (marxi is masculine, śap is inanimate).
common-inanimate means those which had a prominent masculine-feminine distinction, but subsequently lost it again. Their gender assignment is different from pre-Old Baranxe'i, though (marxi is common, śap is inanimate).

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Last edited by MisterBernie on Fri Jun 03, 2011 8:39 am, edited 2 times in total.

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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Fri Jun 03, 2011 7:32 am 
Avisaru
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Fri Jun 03, 2011 8:54 am 
Avisaru
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I love the infixes with the consonant stems. Did that happen with metathesis historically or something of that sort?

Also, it would be cool to see some full paradigms.


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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Fri Jun 03, 2011 9:25 am 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Fri Jun 03, 2011 12:43 pm 
Avisaru
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Fri Jun 03, 2011 6:57 pm 
Avisaru
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Mon Jun 06, 2011 4:45 pm 
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 Post subject: Re: Baranxeï
PostPosted: Fri Jul 01, 2011 6:20 pm 
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